lEiijrarp  of 


©dental  Stubies 


A  SELECTION  OF  THE  PAPERS 


READ  BEFORE 


2Ii)e  ©rirntal  (Ului)  of  Iftilabrlpijia 


1888=1894 


BOSTON 

GINN  &  COMPANY 

1894 


lUOO 


The  present  volume  is  issued  by  the  Oriental  Club  of 
Philadelphia,  to  mark  the  successful  termination  of  the 
first  five  years  of  its  existence.  It  contains  a  selection 
of  the  papers  prepared  by  the  members  for  the  monthly 
meetings;  and  in  laying  before  a  larger  audience  of 
scholars  these  results  of  studies  conducted  in  various 
fields,  the  Club  hopes  to  make  a  modest  contribution  to 
Oriental  philology  and  archaeology. 

The  papers  are  published  in  the  order  in  which  they 
were  received  by  the  Publication  Committee. 

Each  author  contributing  to  this  volume  assumes  the 
responsibility  for  his  views. 

Philadelphia,  May,  i8g^. 

(3) 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Preface 3 

The  Oriental  Club  of  Philadelphia 7 

Officers 11 

L,isT  OF  Members r2 

LrisT  OF  Meetings  and  Papers 14 

The  Physical  Geography  of  India 17 

Morton  IV.  Easton. 

An  Interpretation  of  Psalms  lyXXIII  and  XC.  .      35 
Marais  Ja straw. 

IvITerature  of  Chinese  IvAborers .    .      52 

Stewart  Culm. 

The  Alphabets  of  the  Berbers 63 

D.  G.  Drintoyi. 

Who  Were  THE  Ancient  Ethiopians? 72 

IV.  Max  Mailer. 

Native  Israelitish  Deities 86 

George  A.  Barton. 

(5) 


6  CONTENTS. 

PACJI-: 

A  Legal  Document  OF  Babylonia ii6 

Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

A  Numerical  Fragment  from  Nippur 137 

H.   V.  Hilprecht 

The  Holy  Numbers  of  the  Rig-Veda 141 

Edward  Washburn  Hopkins. 

The  Change  from  Surd  to  Sonant  in  Japanese 

Compounds 160 

Benjamin  Smith  Lyman. 

The  Aryan  Name  OF  THE  Tongue 177 

H.  Collitz. 

The  Feather  and  the  Wing  in  Early  Mythology.  202 
Sara  Yorke  Stevenson. 

The  Book  of  Ecclesiastes 242 

Paul  Haupt. 


THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB  OF  PHILADELPHIA. 


BY  THE  SECRETARY,  -   - 

The  Oriental  Club,  of  Philadelphia,  was  organized 
April  30th,  1888,  at  an  informal  meeting  held  at  the 
house  of  Mr.  Talcott  Williams,  in  response  to  a  circular 
letter  in  which  those  invited  "were  requested  to  co- 
operate in  forming  an  Oriental  Society  in  Philadelphia, 
that  shall  bring  together  those  interested  in  the  several 
fields  of  Oriental  study,  for  the  interchange  of  ideas, 
and  the  encouragement  of  Oriental  research."  This 
invitation,  signed  Henry  Clay  Trumbull,  Benjamin 
Smith  Lyman,  John  P.  Peters,  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr., 
Herman  V.  Hilprecht,  Edward  W.  Hopkins,  Talcott 
Williams  and  Stewart  Culin,  was  very  generally  ac- 
cepted, the  following  persons  being  present  at  the 
meeting  : 

Tatsui  Baba,  Stewart  Culin, 

George  Dana  Boardman,       Joseph  F.  Garrison, 
M.  W.  Easton,  Herman  V.  Hilprecht, 

J.  Rendel  Harris,  jMorris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

Edward  W.  Hopkins,  Benj.  Smith  Lyman, 

Philip  H.  Law,  Isaac  Myer, 

E.  Y.  McCauley,  R.  W.  Rogers, 

John  P.  Peters,  Mayer  Sulzberger, 

John  Stronach,  Talcott  Williams,  . 

Henry  Clay  Trumbull. 
(7) 


8      THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB  OF  PHILADELPHIA, 

Letters  were  read  from  the  Rev.  Dr.  Corcoran,  of  St. 
Charles'  Seminary,  Overbrook,  William  Goodell  and 
Paul  Haupt  and  Cyrus  Adler,  expressing  an  interest  in 
the  proposed  Society.  After  a  general  discussion  of  the 
advisability  and  objects  of  the  proposed  Society,  a  com- 
mittee was  appointed  to  prepare  a  form  of  organization, 
and  to  nominate  officers. 

Upon  their  report,  the  following  Constitution  was 
agreed  upon: 

CONSTITUTION. 

Section  i.  The  name  of  this  organization  shall  be  the 
"  Oriental  Club  of  Philadelphia,"  and  its  object  shall  be  the  pro- 
motion of  Oriental  studies  by  friendU'  intercourse  between 
students,  and  such  other  means  as  may  from  time  to  time  be 
determined. 

Sec  2.  The  Officers  of  this  Club  shall  be  a  President,  Secre- 
tary and  Treasurer,  elected  annually  at  the  meeting  nearest 
June  ist,  who  shall  constitute  an  Executive  Committee  to 
transact  all  the  business  of  the  Club,  including  the  election  of 
members  and  the  fixing  of  dues. 

At  a  meeting  held  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Lyman  on  the 
14th  of  the  following  month,  it  was  agreed  that  all  who 
attended  the  first  meeting,  together  with  those  who 
accepted  the  invitation  by  letter,  be  regarded  as  mem- 
bers of  the  Club.  It  was  ordered  that  each  member 
shall  pay  to  the  Treasurer  a  sum  not  exceeding  one 
dollar  per  year  for  the  current  expenses  of  the  Club.  It 
was  also  agreed  that  the  Council  of  the  Club  shall 
receive  all  nominations  for  membership,  and  after  com- 
municating them  to  the  Club,  shall  in  a  reasonable  time 
thereafter  proceed  to  pass  upon  them.  At  a  subsequent 
meeting,  it  was  decided  that  the  number  of  members 
shall  not  exceed  30,  including  those  who  resided  outside 
of  the  city. 


THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB   OF   PHILADELPHIA.  9 

Benj.  Smith  IvVmaii,  who  had  been  appointed  a  dele- 
gate of  the  Chib  to  the  meeting  of  the  American 
Oriental  Society  at  Boston,  reported  that  he  had  had 
the  honor  of  announcing  the  formation  of  the  Club  to 
that  Society,  and  that  there  was  a  prospect  of  its  hold- 
ing its  next  meeting  in  Philadelphia,  in  the  autumn  of 
the  present  year. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Club  held  on  the  i8th  of  October 
of  the  same  year,  the  death  of  Mr.  Philip  Howard  Law 
was  announced  as  having  taken  place  in  Philadelphia 
on  the  22d  of  May,  in  the  50th  year  of  his  age. 

Mr.  Talcott  Williams  called  the  attention  of  the  Club 
to  the  importance  of  preparing  a  card  catalogue  of  tlie 
Oriental  manuscripts  and  texts  in  the  public  and  private 
libraries  of  this  city. 

The  ninety-sixth  regular  session  of  the  American 
Oriental  Society  was  held  in  Philadelphia  on  October 
31st  and  November  ist  of  this  year,  the  members  of  the 
Oriental  Club  generally  participating  in  the  meetiug. 
A  luncheon  was  given  by  the  Oriental  Club  to  the 
members  of  the  Oriental  Society,  at  the  Bellevue  Hotel 
on  the  second  day,  and  in  the  evening  a  reception  was 
given  by  Dr.  Henry  Clay  Trumbull,  as  President  of  the 
Club,  to  meet  the  members  of  the  American  Oriental 
Society. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Club  held  on  the  13th  of  Decem- 
ber, the  death  of  the  Rev.  John  Stronach  was  an- 
nounced as  having  taken  place  in  this  city  on  the  29th 
of  October,  and  of  Mr.  Tatsui  Baba,  also  in  this  city, 
on  the  ist  of  November,  in  the  39th  year  of  his  age. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Club  held  on  the  i8th  of  February, 
1892,  the  death  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Joseph  F.  Garrison  was 
announced  as  having  taken  place  in  Camden,  N.  J.,  on 


lO  THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB   OF   PHILADELPHIA. 

the  29th  of  January,  in  the  70th  year  of  his  age.  The 
death  of  another  member,  the  Rev.  Dr.  William  J.  Mann, 
which  took  place  on  June  20th,  1892,  was  announced  at 
the  meeting  held  November  loth  of  that  year. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Club  held  on  the  9th  of  February, 
1893,  the  question  of  publishing  a  volume  containing 
papers  read  before  the  Club  was  discussed,  a  committee 
on  this  publication  was  appointed  consisting  of  Daniel 
G.  Brinton,  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.  and  E.  W.  Hopkins. 
This  committee  was  subsequently  increased  by  the 
addition  of  .Stewart  Culin.  The  total  membership  of 
the  Club  during  the  five  years  of  its  existence  has  been 
thirty-one;  of  whom  five  have  died,  two  removed  and 
two  resigned,  leaving  at  present  twenty-one  members. 
Forty  meetings  have  been  held,  comprising  one  special 
business  meeting  and  thirty-eight  meetings  for  the  read- 
ing of  papers  and  discussions.  Thirty-six  papers  have 
been  read  before  the  Club. 


OFFICERS, 


1888-1889. 
Pr-esideai—WElsiRY  CLAY  TRUMBULL. 
Secrefaty— STEW  ART  CULIN. 
'Jrt'asurer—UO'R.rO:^  W.   EASTON. 

1S89-1890. 
Fresidenl -HURMA-N  V.  HILPRECHT 
Secre/ary—ST-EW ART  CULIN. 
Treasi/irr— MAYER  SULZBERGER. 

1890-1891. 
Fresideni— MAYER  SULZBERGER. 
Secretary— STEWART  CULIN. 
Treasnre7-~-BE^].  SMITH  LYMAN. 

1891-1892. 
Fresideni—BEy:].  SMITH  LYMAN. 
Secretary— STEW  ART  CULIN. 
7>Ya5«;rr— MORRIS  JASTROW,  Jr. 

1892-1893. 
Freside f I t—TAhCOTT  WILLIAMS. 
Secretary— STEWART  CULIN. 
Treasmrr— MORRIS  JASTROW,  Jr. 

1893-1894. 
Fresideiii— EDWARD  W.  HOPKINS. 
Secretary— STEWART  CULIN. 
7;rrt.?/^;-d'/-— BENJ.  SMITH  LYMAN. 

(") 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS. 


Cyrus  Abler,  Ph.D.     Founder. 

Librarian  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Tatsui  Baba.     Founder.     Died  November  i,  1888. 

G.  A.  Barton,  Ph.D.     Elected  December  17,  1891. 

Associate  in  Biblical  Literature  and  Semitic  Languages,  Brj-n  Mawr  College, 
Brj'n  Mawr,  Penna. 

George  Dana  Boardman,  D.  D.,  LL.D.     Founder.     Resigned  De- 
cember 12,  1889. 

Daniel  G.  Brinton,  M.  D.,  LL.D.,  Sc.D.     Elected  October  18,  1888. 

Professor  of  American  Archfeology  and  Linguistics,  L'niversity  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, Philadelphia. 

Hermann  Collitz,  Ph.D.     Elected  December  13,  1888. 

Associate  Professor  of  German  and  Teutonic  Philology,  Bryn  Mawr  College, 
Bryn  Mawr,  Penna. 

Stewart  Culin.     Founder. 

Director  of  the  Museum   of  Archceology  and   Palaeontologj',  University   of 
Pennsylvania. 

Morton  W.  Easton,  Ph.D.     Founder. 

Professor  of  English  and  Comparative  Philology,  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

Joseph  F.  Garrison,  D.  D.,  LD.D.     Founder.     Died  January  29,  1892. 

William  Goodell.     Founder.     Resigned  November  13,  1890. 

J.  Rendell  Harris,  A.  M.     Founder.     Removed. 

Herman  V.  HilprECHT,  Ph.D.     Founder. 

Professor  of  Assyrian,  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

Paul  Haupt,  Ph.D.     Founder. 

Professor  of  Semitic  Languages,  Johns  Hopkins  University',  Baltimore. 

Edward  W.\shburn  Hopkins,  Ph.D.     Founder. 

Professor  of  Greek,  Sanskrit  and  Comparative  Philology,  Bryn  Mawr  College, 
Bryn  Mawr,  Penna. 

(  12  ) 


LIST   OF   MEMBERS.  I3 

Marcus  Jastrow,  Ph.D.     Founder. 
German  town,  Philadelphia. 

Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.,  Ph.D.     Founder. 

Profes.sor  of  Semitic  Languages,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia. 

Philip  Howard  Law.     Founder.     Died  May  22,  1888. 

J.  Peter  Lesley,  LL.D.     Elected  October  18,  1888. 

1008  Clinton  Street,  Philadelphia. 

Benj.  Smith  Lyman,  M.  E.     Founder. 

708  South  Washington  Square. 

William  J.  Mann,  D.  D.     Elected  December  13,  1888.     Died  June 
20,  1892. 

Admiral  E.  Y.  McCauley,  U.  S.  N.     Founder. 
334  South  9th  Street,  Philadelphia. 

W.  Max  MtJLLER,  Ph.D.     Elected  December  11,  1890. 

4543  Chestnut  Street,  Philadelphia. 

Isaac  Myer.     Founder. 

21  East  60th  Street,  New  York  City. 

John  P.  Peters,  Ph.D.     Founder. 

225  West  99th  Street,  New  York  City. 

Robert  W.  Rogers,  Ph.D.     Founder. 

Drew  Theological  Seminary,  Madison,  N.  J. 

John  Stronach,  D.  D.     Founder.     Died  October  29,  1888. 
Mrs.  Cornelius  Stevenson.     Elected  January  15,  1891. 

IJon.  Curator  PIgyptiau  Section,  Museum  of  Archseology,  University  of  Penn- 
sj'lvania. 

Mayer  Sulzberger,  M.  A.     Founder. 
1303  Girard  Avenue,  Philadelphia. 

SwAMEE   Bhaskara   Nand   SaraswaTEE.      Elected    February    13, 
1890.     Removed. 

Henry  Clay  Trumbull,  D.  D.     Founder. 

1031  Walnut  Street,  Philadelphia. 

Louis  Vossion.     Founder. 

Consul  de  P'rance,  Philadelphia. 

Talcott  Williams,  M.  A.     Founder. 

331  South  Sixteenth  Street,  Philadelphia. 


LIST  OF  MEETINGS  AND  PAPERS. 


The  papers  marked  with  a  *  are  published  in  the  present  volume  of  the  Oriental 
Club. 


1888. 
April    30. 
May     14. 


Dec.      13. 


18S9. 
Jan.       17. 
March  14. 
April    25. 
May     28. 

Nov.     26. 


Dec.      12. 

1S90. 
Jan.         9. 
Feb.      13. 
March  13. 


Organization. 

Organization.     Discussion  opened   by  John  P.   Peters  of 

the  plans  for  the  proposed  University  of  Pennsylvania 

Expedition  to  Babylonia. 
Paper  by  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.  :   "Fragment  of  Brick  with 

Cuneiform  Inscription,   from  the  Library  of  Asurban- 

apal." ' 

Paper  by  Morton  W.  Easton  :   "Primitive  Conditions." 
Paper  by  Stewart  Culin  :   "  Chinese  Games  with  Dice."  ' 
Paper  by  Marcus  Jastrow  :  "  Gladiators  in  the  Talmud."  ^ 
Exhibition  of  Arabic  MS.,  with  Comments,  by  Dr.  Trum- 
bull. 
Accounts  were  given  by  Daniel  G.  Brinton  of  his  recent 
visit  among  the  Kabyles  ;  by  Herman  V.  Hilprecht,  of 
his  personal  experiences  as  a  member  of  the  Babylonian 
Expedition  of  the  Universit}-  of  Pennsylvania  ;  ajad  by 
Talcott  Williams,  of  a  trip  to  Fez  and  Mequinez. 
Paper  by  Daniel  G.  Brinton  :  ' '  The  Cradle  of  the  Semites.  "* 

Discussion  of  the  preceding  paper,  by  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 
Continuation  of  discussion  by  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.* 
Paper  by  Talcott  Williams  :   "  The  Historical  Survivals  ot 
Morocco."  ^ 


'  Published  in  the  Universitj-  of  Pennsylvania  Series  in  Philology,  L,iterature  and 
Archseology,  under  the  title,  "  A  Fragment  of  the  Dibbarra  Epic."     1891. 

-  Privately  printed.     Philadelphia,  18S9. 

3  Published  in  the  Sunday-School  Times,  May  — ,  1889. 

*  Published  under  the  title,  "The  Cradle  of  the  Semites."     Two  papers,  etc  ,  by 
D.  G.  Brinton  and  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

^  Published  in  the  "  Papers  of  the  American  Historical  Association  "  for  1892. 

(14) 


LIST   OF    MEETINGS    AND    PAPERS,  I5 

April  10.  Paper  by  Edward  W.  Hopkins  :  "  The  Garden  of  Paradise 
and  the  Deluge." 

May  15.  Paper  by  Morton  W.  Easton  :  "The  Terrace  at  Perse- 
polis. "  ' 

Nov.     13.     Paper  by  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.  :   "The  Text  Books  of  the 
Babylonians  and  Assyrians."  ■^ 
1891. 

Jan.  15.  Address  by  John  P.  Peters  :  "  Itinerary  to  the  Site  of  Ex- 
plorations in  Babylonia." 

Feb.  12.  Address  by  William  N.  Chambers:  "Civil  Polity  of  the 
Armenian  Church"  ;  and  by  W.  R.  Abbott,  on  "Adven- 
tures in  Madagascar." 

March  19.  Paper  by  M.  W.  Miiller  :  "The  Relations  between  the 
Egyptian  and  Semitic  Languages." 

April    25.     Paper  by  Paul  Haupt : *  "The  Book  of  Ecclesiastes." 

Nov.  19.  Paper  by  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.  :  "  Letters  from  Palestine"  ; '^ 
"Notes  on  Psalms  120-122,"  by  Paul  Haupt. 

Dec.      17.     Paper  by  Dr.  Jannaris  :"  The  Mohammedan  Household.'" 
1892. 

Jan.  15.  Paper  by  Stewart  Culin  :  "Popular  Literature  of  the 
Chinese  in  the  United  States."* 

Feb.  18.  Paper  by  Mrs.  Cornelius  Stevenson  :  "  Early  Forms  of 
Religious  Symbolism,  the  Stone  Axe  and  the  Flying 
^un  Disc."* 

March  17.  Extemporaneous  Account  of  his  Recent  Travels  in  the 
East  in  the  Interest  of  the  Columbian  Exposition,  by 
Cyrus  Adler. 

April    14.     Paper  by  Marcus  Jastrow  :  "Psalms  24th,  73d,  and  90th."  * 

May  12.  Paper  by  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.  :  "  Babylonian  Contract  Tab- 
let in  the  Collection  of  Mayer  Sulzberger."  * 

Nov.  ID.  Paper  by  G.  A.  Barton  :  "Some  Features  of  the  Semitic 
Ishtar  Cults." 

Dec.  8.  Paper  by  Talcott  Williams  :  "Music  and  Musical  In.stru- 
ments  of  North  Morocco." 

'■  Published  in  the  University  of  Pennsjdvania  Series  in  Philology,  Literature  and 
Archaeology.     Vol.  II.     1892. 

*  Published  in  Extract  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  American  Oriental  Society,  Oc- 
tober, 1890. 

=>  Published  in  Hebraica,  Vol.  VIII.,  under  title,    'The  Letters  of  Abdiheba." 


i6 


LIST   OF    MEETINGS    AND    PAPERS, 


1893- 
Jan.       12. 

Feb.        9. 
March  16. 

April  13. 

May  II. 

Nov.  9. 

Dec.  14. 


1894. 
Jan.       II. 

Feb.      22. 


March  22. 

April     12. 
May      10. 


Paper  by  Morton  W.  Easton  :  "  The  Physical  Geography 
of  India."  "■' 

Paper  by  Daniel  G.  Brinton  :  "  Alphabets  of  the  Berbers."" 

Paper  by  Dr.  Max  Ohnefalsch-Richter  :  "  Explorations  in 
Cyprus." 

Paper  by  Herman  V.  Hilprecht :  "  Sargon  I.  and  the 
Oldest  Semitic  Rulers  of  Babylon."  ^ 

Paper  by  Dr.  W.  Max  Miiller  :  "Asiatic  Nations  as  Re- 
corded in  the  Egyptian  Monuments."''^ 

Paper  by  W.  Max  Miiller:  "Who  Were  the  Ancient 
Egyptians  ? "  * 

Paper  by  G.  A.  Barton:  ' '  Some  Israelitish  Deities  ;  "*  Com- 
munication by  Herman  V.  Hilprecht  on  "A  New  Nu- 
merical Fragment."* 

Paper  by  E.   W.   Hopkins:  "Holy  Nimibers  of  the  Rig 

Veda."* 
Papers  by  Benj.  Smith  Lyman  on   "The  Change  from 

Surd  to  Sonant  in  Japanese  Compounds  ;  "  *  by  Daniel 

G.  Brinton  on  "The  Origin  of  Holy  Numbers  ;  "  and  by 

Herman  Collitz *  on  "The  Aryan  Name  of  the  Tongue." 
Paper  by  Herman  V.  Hilprecht  :    "The  Boss  of  Tarkon- 

demos." 
Paper  by  Paul  Haupt  on  "The  Rivers  of  Paradise." 
Paper  by  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.,  on    "The  Element  bst   in 

Hebrew  Proper  Names;"  and  by  Stewart  Culiu,   "On 

Mancala." 


1  Embodied  in  Vol.  I.  of  Hilprecht's  "  Old  Babylonian  Texts." 
-  Embodied  in  MUller's  work,  "  Asien  und  Europa  uach  Altaegyptischeu  Denk- 
maelen." 


THE  PHYSICAL  GEOGRAPHY  OF  INDIA. 

BY  MORTON  W.   EA'STON. 

The  territory  drained  by  the  Ganges,  the  Brahmapu- 
tra, the  San-po  and  the  Indus,  with  their  adjuncts,  and 
the  peninsula  stretching  from  the  Vindhyas  to  Cape 
Coniorin,  do  not,  in  all  their  aspects,  form  one  connected 
whole.  Peninsular  India,  in  its  geologic  history,  its 
ethnology,  and  its  philology,  is  almost  another  world  ; 
in  the  remote  past  it  was  an  island,  and  in  some  respects 
it  has  always  preserved  its  insular  character.  Yet  the 
climatic  conditions  are  such  that,  especially  to  the  mete- 
orologist, all  these  lands  form  one  single  district,  and 
one  distinctly  marked  off  from  the  rest  of  Asia. 

Its  extreme  length  is  about  1,900  miles,  its  extreme 
breadth  about  the  same,  and  its  total  area  is  nearly  as 
great  as  that  of  the  continent  of  Europe  west  of  Russia. 

Considered  in  its  relation  to  the  Asiatic  continent,  its 
orography  and  its  coast  line,  it  has  often  been  compared 
to  Italy,  and  for  certain  purposes  this  comparison  is  a 
good  one  ;  it  serves  as  a  good  starting  point  for  the  study 
of  the  mountain  systems  and  the  j^rincipal  hydrograph- 
ical  basin,  although  every  farther  step  taken  in  the  study 
of  the  two  lauds  and  peoples  only  brings  their  differen- 
ces into  stronger  contrast.  Italy  is  naturally  adapted  to 
be  the  seat  of  one  empire. 

Like  Italy,  India  is  isolated  on  the  north  by  the  main 
mountain  system  of  the  continent  to  which   it  belongs; 

(17) 


l8  PAPERS  OF  THE   ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

south  of  these  mountains,  each  country  has  a  'quadran- 
gular plain,  drained  by  a  great  delta  river  flowing  to  the 
east,  and  both  countries  alike  have  narrower  peninsulas 
stretching  towards  the  south. 

The  northern  mountains  of  India  consist  in  part  of 
the  broken  rim  of  the  vast  central  plateau  of  Asia,  above 
which  their  average  elevation  is  by  no  means  great  ;* 
in  part  of  S)stems  of  spurs  running  southwards  and 
bounding  the  Indo-Gaugetic  quadrilateral  on  the  east  and 
west.  The  rim  of  the  plateau  is  made  up  of  a  number 
of  imperfectly  known  mountain  systems,  among  which 
the  Himalaya  proper  is  but  one,  and  perhaps  by  no 
means  the  loftiest.  But  at  present,  it  is  not  possible 
to  determine  the  precise  limitations  under  which  the 
name  Himalaya  should  be  used — some  geographers  con- 
sider that  it  should  be  applied  only  to  the  long  line  of 
eternal  snows  seen  from  the  Gangetic  plain — yet,  what- 
ever be  the  nature  of  the  rocks,  it  does  not  seem  far 
wrong  to  use  the  term  of  the  whole  series  of  elevations 
extending  from  Attockf  on  the  Indus  to  the  sacred  gorge 
of  the  Brahmaputra,  at  the  head  of  the  Assam  valley  on 
the  east.  Throughout  the  whole  of  this  tract,  extending 
1,400  miles  from  east  to  west,  there  is  no  break  through 
which  any  important  part  of  the  drainage  of  the  Tibetan 
plateau  can  find  its  way.  The  Indus  and  the  San-po, 
now  considered  as  the  upper  stream  of  the  Brahmaputra, 
rise  close  together  at  the  north  and  flow,  in  opposite 
directions,  around  its  ends.  The  average  height  of  the 
whole  mass  is  19,000  feet,    and  when   it  is  remembered 

*  2,000-3,000  feet. 

fAttock  has  only  1,000  feet  of  elevation;  therefore  a  marked  de- 
marcation point. 


THE    PHYSICAL   GEOGRAPHY   OF    INDIA.  I9 

that  the  table  land  behind  it  is  rarely  less  than  16,000 
feet  above  the  sea,  mnch  of  it  higher  still,  the  serions 
character  of  the  barrier  in  this  direction  needs  no  com- 
ment. 

The  strnctnral  featnres  of  the  region  are  as  yet  imper- 
fectly known;  political  conditions  render  part  of  it  inac- 
cessible; but,  apart  from  certain  lower  ranges  on  its 
southern  border,  it  may  be  regarded,  as  consisting  of  a 
pair  of  parallel  lines  of  elevation,  often  close  together, 
sometimes  separated  by  broad  but  comparatively  speak- 
ing shallow  valleys.*  Whether  there  is  one,  or  more 
anticlinal  and  synclinal  axes  is  unknown.  The  north- 
ern line  forms  a  continuous  watershed,  but  the  southern 
is  greatly  broken  up  by  watercourses  flowing  to  the 
south,  so  that  the  resulting  surface  contour  resembles  a 
vast  number  of  parallel  ridges,  running  transverse  to 
the  general  east  and  west  strike  of  the  whole,  but  joining 
at  the  north  to  form  the  continuous  watershed  described 
above.  At  the  southern  ends  of  these  short  ridges  stand 
the  highest  peaks  in  partial  and  impressive  isolation. 
One  hundred  and  twenty  of  these  peaks  attain  a  height 
of  over  20,000  feet;  fifty-seven  are  over  23,000;  Mt. 
Everest  and  Kinchinjinga  attain  respectively  an  altitude 
of  29,000  and  28,000  feet.  It  is  not  worth  while  to  at- 
tempt to  determine  precisely  the  precise  summits  named 
by  the  Hindoo  authors  of  antiquity. 

The  site  of  the  range  was  once  a  trough  of  the  sea: 
later,  but  still  in  the  remote, geologic  past,  when  it  was 
much  lower  than  now,  it  was  washed  by  the  sea  all 
along  its  southern  base  ;  then  came  a  period  of  great 
lateral  compression,  pushing  up   the  whole  mass  of  the 

*  Never  less  than  15,000  feet  above  the  sea. 


20  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

central  Asian  plateau  and  its  mountain  masses,  while  a 
great  plain  emerged  on  the  south,  occupying  the  site  of 
the  present  Ganges  and  the  lower  Indus.  Across  the 
east  of  the  plain  ran  a  ridge  connecting  the  Assam  and 
the  Rajmahal  hills  at  a  point  not  far  from  the  head  of 
the  present  delta  ;  the  plain  sloped  westward  and  was 
drained  by  a  great  river,  which  attained  the  sea  at  a 
point  north  of  the  head  of  the  present  Arabian  Sea. 

In  late  tertiary  times,  a  low  ridge  appeared,  dividing 
the  plain  into  two  portions,  while  the  hills  which  had 
filled  the  gap  between  the  Assam  and  the  Rajmahal 
ranges  sank  down  hundreds  of  feet  below  the  Bay  of 
Bengal.  West  of  the  new  ridge,  the  country  was  tra- 
versed by  the  Indus;  on  its  east  appeared  the  Ganges, 
flowing  in  a  direction  just  the  reverse  of  that  of  the  old 
river,  crossing  the  sunken  crest  of  the  connecting  hills, 
and  carrying,  in  its  delta,  the  new  coast  line  far  to  the 
east.  The  waters  of  the  Arabian  gulf  receded,  and  the 
plains  about  the  lower  Indus  arose. 

The  watershed  dividing  the  Indus  from  the  Ganges 
has  attained  no  great  elevation,  only  924  feet  above  the 
sea,  and  its  slopes  are  so  gentle  that  its  existence  cannot 
be  detected  by  the  unassisted  eye.  Thus  there  is  not  the 
slightest  natural  barrier  between  the  plain  of  the  Ganges 
and  the  district  of  the  Punjaub,  and  the  ignorance,  if 
real,  on  the  part  of  the  Vedic  Indians  concerning  the 
great  stream  and  the  fauna  farther  east  must  have  been 
due  to  other  than  topographical  conditions. 

The  Indus  plain  and  its  adjuncts  are  of  such  interest 
to  Sanscrit  students  that  I  shall  speak  of  it  at  length 
further  on.  The  Ganges  districts  lie  so  low,  and  are  so 
well  watered  in  parts,  that,  when  the  latitude  is  consid- 
ered,  one  would  expect  to  find  it  a  tropical  paradise. 


THE   PHYSICAT.   GEOGRAPHY   OF   INDIA.  21 

But  travelers  dwell  but  little  on  the  character  of  its 
scenery;  for  most  of  them,  it  may  be  presumed  that  it  is 
not  their  first  introduction  to  the  tropical  world,  while 
the  dead  level  everywhere  may  perhaps  lack  certain  pic- 
turesque elements.  We  hear,  however,  of  the  "clumps 
of  waving  and  delicate  bamboo,  the  tamarinds,  the  huge 
banyans  and  the  slender  palms;  of  the  cottages  half  hid- 
den by  the  large-leaved  gourds,  and  overshadowed  by 
the  gigantic  glossy  leaves  of  the  plantain,  all  alive  with 
vast  flocks  of  the  most  brilliant  birds."  With  these 
scant  hints,  it  is  easy  to  imagine  the  prevailing  condi- 
tions, and  these  are  perhaps  intensified  in  the  Assam  ex- 
tension of  the  Gangetic  plain.  It  is  densely  populated, 
containing  three  times  as  many  inhabitants  to  the  square 
mile  as  France;  every  ounce  of  nutriment  in  good 
seasons  is  consumed,  and  yet  the  people  are  underfed,  so 
that  the  failure  of  the  rains  infallibly  brings  on  destruc- 
tive famines. 

Yet  even  along  the  Ganges  plain  one  who  goes  from 
Calcutta  to  Delhi  sees  much  desolate  land.  The  rapid 
torrents  from  the  steep  gradients  on  the  north  cover 
large  areas  with  unproductive  detritus;  the  Ganges  itself 
often  changes  its  course  and  leaves  great  marshes  where 
the  malaria  is  deadly  to  human  life. 

The  scenery  among  the  Himalayas,  on  the  contrary, 
should  be  the  most  sublime  scenery  to  be  found  on  the 
globe.  Of  certain  views  this  is  true,  but  on  the  whole, 
the  records  of  travelers  sound  a  note  of  disappointment. 
The  main  ridges  rise  from  bases  so  high  that  the  effect 
of  the  great  elevation  is  partly  lost,  while  they  are  also 
screened  by  the  hills  consisting  of  or  connected  with  the 
foot  ranges.  One  observer  says  that  the  finest  view  of 
Everest  is  to  be  obtained  from  a  point  ninety  miles  away, 


22  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

and  even  from  this  only  8,000  feet  of  its  mass  is  visible! 
From  Simla,  the  ridge  seems  "only  a  long,  serrate, 
white  line,  hardly  higher  than  your  own  level,  every 
separate  peak  dwarfed  by  its  multitudinous  neighbors." 
On  the  whole,  Sikkim  affords  the  best  views;  there  the 
observer  stands  but  2,000  feet  above  the  sea  and  sees  the 
whole  cone  of  Kinchinjinga  towering  26,000  feet  above 
him. 

On  the  upper  Indus  is  what  has  been  described  as  the 
most  magnificent  snow  view  on  the  globe.  "Below  the 
observer  is  a  precipice  falling  sheer  16,000  feet.  Before 
him  lie  the  Nangaparbat  mountains;  a  mass  of  glaciers, 
snow-fields,  ice-cliffs  and  jagged  needles  of  bare  rock, 
visible  for  its  whole  24,000  feet  of  vertical  measure- 
ment." Figures  such  as  these  are  not  vulgar;  they 
alone  can  give  a  conception  of  the  aerial  effect  which 
totally  separates  such  scenery  from  any  on  a  much 
smaller  scale. 

Yet,  in  general,  the  impression  won  everywhere  seems 
to  be  that  of  monotony.  That  the  visible  vertical  meas- 
urements do  not  often  exceed  those  seen  in  Switzerland 
is  perhaps  not  at  all  to  the  point;  but  the  grace  and 
variety,  and  above  all  the  charming  lake  scenery  of  the 
Swiss  Alps,  is  everywhere  wanting. 

Turning  now  to  other  parts  of  the  northern  circle  of 
mountains,  we  may  pass  briefly  over  the  region  on  the 
north-east,  beyond  the  Assam  range.  It  is  a  wild  and 
broken  mountain  tract,  but  the  density  of  the  jungle, 
rather  than  the  character  of  the  gradients,  serves  as  a 
barrier,  and  one  very  difficult  to  surmount.  On  the 
east  coast  of  the  Bay  of  Bengal,  most  maps  show  an 
apparently  broad  strip  of  level  country,  but  the  route  is 
practically  closed  up  by  mountain  spurs  running  from 
the  water-shed  of  the  Irrawaddy  to  the  sea. 


THE   PHYSICAL   OROGRAPHY   OF   INDIA.  23 

On  the  north-west  of  India,  and  over  Kafiristan,  is  a 
region  of  central  importance  in  connection  with  the 
physical  geograpliy  of  Asia  considered  as  a  whole.  So 
far  as  concerns  India  in  particnlar,  it  needs  only  to  be 
remarked  that  the  obstrnctions  in  this  direction  are  no 
less  formidable,  to  say  the  least,  than  those  existing 
eastward  in  the  Himalayas  proper. 

Southward  from  this,  west  of  the  Indus  depression, 
runs  a  spur  of  the  great  central  plateau,  but  very  much 
lower  in  mean  level.  Cabul,  at  6396  feet  elevation, 
may  be  taken  as  the  general  height  of  the  country;  but 
it  is  crossed  in  every  direction  by  great  interlacing 
mountain  ridges,  in  which  lie  long  narrow  levels,  as 
fair  and  under  irrigation  as  fertile  as  Italy,  the  land  of 
Afghanistan.  North  of  Cabul  the  summits  are  free 
from  snow  during  eight  months  of  the  year,  and  present 
no  formidable  obstacle  to  the  movements  even  of  modern 
artillery.  This  was  the  route  of  the  early  Chinese  pil- 
grims to  Buddhistic  India  ;  Alexander  and  Genghis 
Khan  came  this  way,  and  it,  if  any,  is  the  future  road 
of  a  Russian  army. 

The  valley  of  the  Cabul  river  is  bounded  on  the  south 
by  the  Sufid  Koh,  and  running  east  and  west,  never 
falling  below  12,500  feet.  The  trade  route  to  India 
from  Cabul,  for  many  centuries,  led  directly  over  its 
crest.  The  road  by  the  renowned  Khaibar  pass,  directly 
down  the  river,  and  over  a  short  spur  through  a  deep 
gorge,  is  in  itself  easy,  but  difficult  where  an  armed 
force  is  in  the  way.  The  Sufid  Koh  abuts  with  many 
spurs  on  the  Indus,  rendering  a  long  stretch  of  its  shore 
impracticable.  Southward  from  the  Sufid  Koh  run  the 
Sulimani  mountains.  They  resemble,  in  surface  con- 
tour at  least,  the  Himalayas  ;  there  is  a  twin  ridge,  with 


24  PAPERS  OF  THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

an  uninterrnpted  water-shed,  between  which  and  the 
Indus  is  a  broken  line,  in  which,  as  in  the  Himalayas, 
are  the  highest  summits.  Their  loftiest  peak,  the 
Takht-i-Sulimani  (throne  of  Solomon),  is  over  ii,ooo  feet 
in  height.  It  and  the  jagged  line  of  crests  of  which  it 
is  the  chief,  rather  than  the  far  higher  Himalayas  or  the 
peaks  above  Kafiristan,  may  have  been  the  mighty 
mountains  of  the  Vedic  poet.  This  higher  axis  of  the 
Sulimani  ends  in  a  great  promontory,  once  perhaps  a 
bold  headland  over  the  eocene  ocean.  But  the  west- 
ward lying  axis,  the  true  watershed,  keeps  on,  gradu- 
ally diminishing  in  height  to  Cape  Monze  on  the  Ara- 
bian Sea. 

Throughout  this  whole  chain  of  mountains,  south  of 
the  Cabul  river,  the  passes  are  almost  innumerable. 
Many  of  them  while  "  not  precisely  easy,"  present  noth- 
ing to  hinder  any  properly  equipped  force  from  debouch- 
ing at  many  points  upon  the  plain  of  the  Indus.  But 
along  the  lower  Indus  and  to  the  eastward,  the  desert 
renders  the  march  difficult,  and  the  proper  road  for  an 
invading  army  lies  through  a  narrow,  fertile  strip  lying 
along  the  base  of  the  Himalayas.  The  reason  for  the 
existence  of  this  and  of  the  desert  will  be  given  further 
on.  At  present  I  may  note  that  it  is  to  these  strategic 
considerations  that  Delhi  owes  its  existence.  But  the 
fertile  belt  is  cut  across  by  many  streams,  the  "seven 
rivers"  of  the  Hindoos,  and  among  these  a  force  might 
keep  invaders  in  check,  if  the  defenders  were  resolute. 
But  any  one  who  weighs  the  circumstances  well  and  re- 
members how  much  more  inviting  were  the  basins  of  the 
Euphrates,  the  Tigris  and  the  Nile,  must  feel  that  the 
Ganges  valley  was  always  secluded  rather  than  defended. 
Like  Germany  in  Roman  times,  it  probably  owed  its 


THE    PHYSICAL   GEOGRAPHY   OF   INDIA.  25 

safety  to  the  neglect  of  the  Western  powers,  a  conclu- 
sion not  invalidated,  in  either  case,  by  the  adverse  issue 
of  single  campaigns. 

In  peninsular  India,  the  geological  history  and  the 
structure  of  the  country  are  very  different  from  the  con- 
ditions north  of  the  Vindhyas.  "There*  is  not  in  the 
Peninsula  a  single  great  range  with  a  definite  axis  of 
elevation;  not  one,  with  the  possible  exception  of  the 
Arvali,  is  along  an  anticlinal  or  synclinal  line.  It  is  a 
table  land,  denuded  by  subaerial  agencies,  and  the 
mountain  chains  are  merely  dividing  lines  left  unde- 
nuded  between  the  different  drainage  areas.  All  the 
principal  elevations  are  plateaux,  not  ridges." 

We  should  picture  to  ourselves  the  whole  peninsula 
as  a  vast  truncated  pyramid, f  sloping  to  the  east  and 
deeply  scored  by  watercourses,  the  principal  ones  rising 
on  its  extreme  western  rim,  which  find  their  way 
through  an  intricate  tangle  of  irregular  ridges  into  the 
Bay  of  Bengal.  Along  the  eastern  side  of  this  pyramid 
lies  a  broad  flat  plain,  over  which  the  streams  have 
raised  for  themselves  dykes,  along  the  summits  of  which 
they  flow  to  finally  end  in  a  succession  of  deltas. 

Over  one  part  of  the  surface  of  the  pyramid  cover- 
ing an  area  about  as  large  as  the  whole  of  France  and 
to  a  depth  of  six  thousand  feet,  has  flowed  a  sheet  of 
eruptive  rock.  This  has  settled  into  a  uniform  level, 
and  its  surface  has  become  extremely  porous,  so  that 
much  of  the  rainfall  over  the  interior,  insufficient  at 
best,  sinks  deep  into  the  thirsty  soil  and  is  lost.  In 
consequence,  the  traveler  finds,  to  his  surprise,  bare  arid 

*Medlicott  and  Blandford. 
1300-3,000  feet  of  elevation. 


26  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUE. 

plains  where  he  had  expected  to  see  a  country  rich  in 
tropical  vegetation. 

The  north  side  of  the  pyramid  is  constituted  by  the 
Vindhyas  (using  the  term  in  its  widest  sense),  a  confused 
jumble  "of  forests,  ridges,  peaks,  cultivated  valleys  and 
broad  high  plains,"  nowhere  of  great  elevation,  yet  from 
the  dense  vegetation,  and  still  more  from  the  deadly 
miasm  prevailing  along  their  northern  slopes,  serving 
as  a  complete  barrier  to  intercourse  with  the  regions  on 
the  north. 

Most  of  the  districts  south  of  the  Vindhyas  are  shut 
in,  on  the  remaining  two  sides,  by  the  Ghats.  The 
Western  Ghats,  bordering  on  the  Arabian  Sea,  are  the 
higher,*  and  are  clad  with  impenetrable  forests,  nour- 
ished by  one  of  the  heaviest  rainfalls  known.  Along 
their  feet  runs  a  narrow  belt  of  level  land,  fringed  with 
a  beach  of  bright  yellow  sand,  and  covered  with  endless 
groves  of  the  coco-palm,  out  of  which  jut  here  and  there 
bright  red  cliffs  of  eruptive  rock  washed  down  from 
above.  Over  the  forest-clad  slopes  hang  precipices  of 
peculiar  form,  not  unlike  great  circular  bastions.  It  is 
under  these  natural  bastions  that  the  steep  defiles  run  by 
which  alone  access  can  be  gained  from  the  west  coast  to 
the  interior,  and  a  small  force  posted  above  can  hold  an 
army  in  check.  The  scenery  along  all  this  coast  resem- 
bles that  of  certain  of  the  high  islands  of  Polynesia,  and 
is  perhaps  the  only  instance  of  such  scenery  on  a  conti- 
nental scale. 

The  Eastern  Ghats,  facing  the  Bay  of  Bengal,  cannot 
be  said  to  form  a  continuous  range,  and  there  are  many 

*  Averaging  4,000  feet,  but  the  mountains  attain  8,400  in  the  Neil- 
gherry  hills;  the  Eastern  Ghats  rarely  rise  above  1,500. 


THE   PHYSICAL   GEOGRAPHY   OF   INDIA.  27 

gates  by  which  the  interior,  in  parts,  can  be  reached,  so 
that  Calcutta,  rather  than  Bombay  or  Goa,  is  the  key  to 
the  peninsula.  Yet  there  are  many  river  defiles,  and 
many  tracts  forming-  natural  fortresses,  impregnable  to 
any  arm  which  the  native  rulers  could  command.  Trav- 
elers testify  that  it  is  in  these  defiles  that  the  most  pic- 
turesque scenery  to  be  found  in  India  is  to  be  seen. 

The  comprehension,  in  outline  at  least,  of  the  rela- 
tion to  the  lowlands  of  the  various  mountain  systems  of 
both  the  Indo-Gangetic  plains  and  peninsular  India,  is 
indispensable,  not  only  in  order  to  understand  the 
various  degrees  of  isolation  under  which  the  various 
peoples  live,  with  relation  to  the  rest  of  Asia  and  to  each 
other,  but  also  to  comprehend  the  distribution  of  the 
rains,  a  subject  of  special  interest  to  the  student  of  the 
whole  of  India. 

The  year  is  divided  into  a  hot  season,  lasting  from 
April  to  November,  during  which  the  southwest  mon- 
soon, the  rain-bringing  wind  for  the  greater  part  of  the 
country  prevails,  and  a  colder  season,  the  period  of  the 
northeast  monsoon. 

The  origin  of  the  southwest  monsoon  may  be  said  to 
be  still  a  subject  of  debate.  Under  conditions  which  also 
are  as  yet  imperfectly  understood,  it  is  deflected  from 
its  normal  course  so  as  to  blow  as  a  more  or  less  east  or 
west  wind  directly  over  the  land.  The  part  of  it  which 
traverses  the  Arabian  Sea  turns  over  the  peninsula. 
From  the  Bengal  Bay  branch  of  the  monsoon,  a  west- 
wardly  directed  current  blows  up  the  long  trough  lying 
between  the  Himalayas  and  the  system  of  the  Vindhyas, 
followed  a  few  weeks  later,  in  a  reverse  course,  by  the 
northern  part  of  the  branch  coming  from  the  Arabian 
Sea. 


28         PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

Both  branches  let  fall  an  excess  of  rain  on  their  first 
encounter  with  the  land.  Two  to  three  hundred  inches 
of  rain  per  year,  sometimes  more  than  twice  as  much, 
fall  on  the  Assam  hills  and  the  Ganges  delta,  and  two 
hundred  and  fifty  inches  on  the  west  slope  of  the  West- 
ern Ghats.  But  the  Bengal  Bay  branch  lets  fall  less 
and  less  rain  as  it  advances  up  the  Ganges,  and  brings 
but  very  little  to  the  region  lying  west  of  the  divide 
between  the  Ganges  and  Indus  basins  ;  for  the  other 
branch  about  seventy-five  inches  are  registered  at  Bom- 
bay, thirty-five  over  the  Ganges,  and  almost  none  in 
the  interior  of  the  peninsula;  at  Madras  it  becomes  a  hot 
dry  wind. 

Along  the  slopes  of  the  Himalayas,  the  precipitation 
from  both  branches  of  the  southwest  monsoon  is  very 
great,  and,  indeed,  but  little  moisture  from  these  sources 
reaches  the  central  plateau  beyond.  In  consequence  the 
phenomena  of  snow,  glacier  and  avalanche,  are  on  the 
grandest  scale,  far  exceeding  anything  known  elsewhere 
in  the  world  in  the  temperate  or  the  tropical  zones,  and 
not  surpassed  in  the  display  of  active,  moving  forces  by 
anything  in  the  Arctic  regions,  excepting  in  the  ice- 
bergs of  Melville  Bay,  or  those  in  the  Antarctic  Seas. 

Denudation  goes  on  at  a  rate  paralleled  nowhere  else. 
During  the  height  of  the  monsoon  some  of  the  moun- 
tain torrents  are  little  else  than  streams  of  mud,  and  the 
vast  delta  formed  by  the  united  Ganges  and  the  Brah- 
maputra testifies  to  the  destructive  agency  of  the  feeders 
of  these  streams,  which  bring  down  five  times  as  much 
sediment  as  our  Mississippi, 

The  detailed  statistics  of  the  rainfall  in  various  parts 
of  the  land  are  exceedingly  interesting,  but  cannot  be 
given  in  full  here  ;  no  doubt    the   figures  given  above 


THE    PHYSICAL   GEOGRAPHY    OF   INDIA.  29 

will  prove  sufficiently  suggestive.  It  may  be  noted, 
however,  that  the  winds  blowing  at  this  season  over  the 
lower  Indus  seem  to  come  not  from  the  sea,  but  from 
over  the  arid  regions  on  the  west  ;  and  in  this  part  of  its 
course  the  river  flows  through  a  desert  ;  no  rainfalls 
occur. 

The  northeast  monsoon  becomes  saturated  in  crossing 
the  Bay  of  Bengal,  and  is  the  source  of  the  rainfall  over 
the  east  coast,  and  the  interior  of  the  peninsula.  In  the 
latter  region,  the  amount  of  precipitation  (above  thirty- 
five  inches)  about  equals  that  registered  in  the  north- 
eastern parts  of  the  United  States,  but  this  is,  in  India, 
considered  a  very  insufficient  supply,  especially  in  the 
districts  covered  with  the  porous  eruptive  rock  described 
above.  However,  by  an  interesting  arrangement  of 
compensation,  the  principal  water-courses  have  their 
sources  on  the  summits  of  the  Western  Ghats,  and  so 
both  of  the  monsoons  contribute  to  swell  their  volume 
while  irrigation  on  a  stupendous  scales  goes  far  towards 
supplying  the  deficiencies  of  the  rainfall. 

Over  the  lower  Indus,  as  I  have  already  said,  there  is 
practically  no  rain  at  all.  Some  years  are  exceptional, 
and  a  few  inches  may  fall,  from  what  source  is  not  clear; 
meteorologists  talk  vaguely  of  upper  currents  in  the  at- 
mosphere. At  the  junction  of  the  Indus  and  the  stream 
formed  by  the  combination  of  the  five  rivers,  the  annual 
precipitation  attains  about  six  inches;  but  this  is  totally 
inadequate  for  the  support  of  a  permanent,  succulent 
vegetation.  So  also  between  the  five  rivers  in  their 
lower  courses,  the  land  is  everywhere  barren,  except 
along  the  borders  of  the  canals  which  have  been  dug  for 
the  purposes  of  irrigation.  Even  the  torrents  which  at 
certain  seasons  come  down  "from  the  outer  mountain 
slopes  soon  sink  into  the  thirsty  soil  and  disappear. 


30  PAPKRS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

The  Indus,  the  five  rivers,  and  the  Sarasvati  make  np 
the  vi^ell-known  "seven  streams. "  All  of  these  except 
the  Sarasvati  derive  their  supply  from  the  melting 
snows,  a  perennially  flowing  fount,  and  the  rains  of  the 
highest  crests  of  the  Himalayas;  the  Sarasvati  depends 
entirely  upon  the  low  outer  hills  and  the  periodical  rains, 
so  that  at  times  it  is  only  a  feeble  stream  and  never 
reaches  the  sea. 

In  former  times  the  conditions  seem  to  have  been 
different;  there  seems  to  have  been  a  much  greater  pre- 
cipitation, and  at  that  time  this  river  must  have  held 
its  own  throughout  the  year;  at  the  same  period,  the 
belt  of  fertility  along  the  base  of  the  mountains  ex- 
tended much  farther  to  the  south. 

The  country  about  the  lower  Indus  is  thus  simply  a 
continuation  of  the  great  desert  lying  west.  To  the  east 
lies  the  desert  of  Thar,  where  there  is  not  a  single  stream 
for  hundreds  of  miles.  It  is  covered  with  great  num- 
bers of  sand  dunes,  some  of  them  nearly  four  hundred 
feet  in  height,  so  arranged  that  they  seem  to  require  the 
assumption  of  the  past  prevalence  of  a  different  system 
of  winds  from  that  now  existing.  During  the  greater 
part  of  the  year  they  show  a  scanty  growth  of  long- 
rooted  almost  leafless  plants;  after  some  slight  fall  of 
rain,  and  for  a  brief  space  of  time,  they  afford  pasturage 
for  herds  of  cattle  driven  in  by  a  temporary  immigrant 
population,  which  is  compelled  to  wage  incessant  war 
with  great  numbers  of  fierce  wolves,  just  as  little  per- 
manent occupants  of  the.  soil  as  themselves.  A  few 
wretched  Bhils  manage  to  find  subsistence  there  all  the 
year  through. 

Between  the  desert  and  the  sea  is  the  strange  Runn* 

*  Solitude. 


THE   PHYSICAL   GEOGRAPHY   OF   INDIA.  31 

of  Cutch,  stretching  about  150  miles  to  the  eastward, 
and,  in  some  places,  sixty  miles  to  the  northward.  Its 
history  is  too' well  known  to  need  recounting  here,  and 
affords  valuable  evidence  as  to  the  manner  in  which  the 
levels  farther  north  may  have  been  produced  through 
the  agency  of  earthquakes.  It  is  almost  perfectly  flat, 
excepting  a  slight  convexity  at  the  centre,  and  the 
southwest  monsoon  drives  the  sea  over  the  entire  plain, 
covering  it  with  three  feet  of  water,  slightly  increasing 
in  depth  at  the  depressed  rim.  In  the  drier  season  it  is 
incrusted  with  salt,  but  after  a  period  of  scanty  rains,  it 
is  covered  here  and  there  with  little  lakes,  blowing 
about  from  place  to  place.  Only  a  few  tamarisks  grow 
on  its  surface,  and  the  only  noticeable  animal  life  con- 
sists of  herds  of  wild  asses,  which  feed  on  its  margin  at 
night,  and  take  refuge  in  its  centre  during  the  day. 

It  is  crossed  at  all  seasons  by  caravans,  toiling  over 
the  hot,  salty  plain,  or,  during  the  monsoon,  wading 
through  an  apparently  boundless  sea.  But  mirages,  due 
to  the  unequal  circulation,  and  violent  tornadoes,  caused 
by  the  fierce  heat  of  its  saline  incrustation,  make  it  an 
uncanny  and  a  dangerous  land. 

The  subject  of  the  physical  geography  of  a  country  is 
inseparable  from  the  consideration  of  its  flora  and  fauna, 
and  above  all  in  the  case  of  an  association,  such  as  is 
ours,  which  is  chiefly  interested  in  anthropology  and 
philology.  But  in  the  time  allotted  me,  it  is  impossible 
to  touch  upon  these  points.  Even  w^ere  I  to  confine  my- 
self to  the  treatment  of  the  characteristics  of  the  various 
native  peoples,  a  single  paper  which  should  atiempt  to 
cover  the  whole  of  India  could  do  no  more  than  to  re- 
count, in  bare  outline,  facts  perfectly  well  known  to  all. 
It  is  a  subject  imperatively  demanding  abundant  detail. 


2,2  PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

In  tlie  choice  of  the  details  given  in  the  foregoing 
pages,  I  have,  however,  constantly  borne  in  mind,  and 
attempted,  snb  silentio,  to  cast  some  light  npon  the  pe- 
cnliar  problems  that  are  presented  in  India  by  the 
marked  preservation  of  snch  great  and  infinite  diversity 
in  races,  forms  of  speech,  and  institutions,  trusting  that 
the  simple  presentation  of  the  very  interesting  physical 
conditions  will  at  once  connect  itself  with  these  well 
known  characteristics  of  the  various  peoples. 

I  speak  of  the  preservation,  not  of  the  origin  of  these 
characteristics;  the  sum  of  these  could  not  be  accounted 
for  by  any  description  of  the  climate  and  topography  of 
India,  however  extended  it  might  be;  the  Indo-Germanic 
native  peoples  ran  through  no  small  part  of  their  course 
of  development  in  a  different  land:  the  whole  range  of 
the  Himalayas  is  occupied  by  the  Mongolian  stock,  and 
so  on.  Nor  is  it  indeed  easy  to  believe  that  the  physi- 
cal geography  of  any  land  can  ever  afford  the  solution  of 
such  problems,  unless  the  question  is  as  simple  as  that 
relating  to  the  connection  between  the  defective  nour- 
ishment of  a  people  and  its  palpable  consequences  on 
their  pln'sical  conformation. 

Indeed,  it  is  necessary  to  lay  special  emphasis  on  the 
limited  territorial  district  from  which  certain  national 
characters  may  have  radiated.  The  Roman  type,  for 
instance,  was  not  Italic:- it  spread  from  one  city,  and 
perhaps  originated  from  a  very  few  families  in  this. 
Above  all,  this  may  be  true  of  religious  conceptions 
when  assuming  any  well-defined  form.  Buddhism,  even 
though  we  give  no  credence  to  its  childish  legends, 
has  all  the  aspects  of  a  creed  originally  emanating  from 
one  individual;  and  why  appeal  to  Himalayan  torrents, 
miasmatic  swamps,  and  the   "  hot-house  atmosphere  of 


TIIR   PHYSICAL   GEOGRAPHY   OF   INDIA.  33 

the  Gano^etic  plain,"  when  one  single  favorinq;  spot 
might — if  we  knew  where  ''to  find  it — acconnt  for  his 
pessimism,  and  certain  social  conditions  for  the  eager 
reception  of  his  teachings. 

Only  those  who  have  paid  some  attention  to  the  un- 
warrantably discredited  stndy  of  genealogies  and  pedi- 
grees, know  to  what  an  extent  the  blood  of  a  few  Indi- 
vid nals  is  diffused  among,  for  instance,  the  English 
speaking  peoples  of  Great  Britain  and  America.  I  am 
not  advancing  the  hypothesis  of'the  origin  from  single 
pairs,  either  for  the  present  or  for  any  period  of  the 
past — the  analogies  of  evolution  are  all  against  such  an 
assumption — but  there  is  good  reason  for  believing  that 
in  course  of  time  the  blood  of  a  single  pair  may  come  to 
permeate  a  whole  tribe  or  people  and  bring  with  it  iden- 
tity of  at  least  physical  characteristics. 

Botanists  recognize  certain  species  of  plants  having 
"stations"  of  very  limited  area,  perhaps  one  particular 
pool,  or  the  bank  of  one  particular  stream,  with  specific 
characters  which  may  be  due  to  certain  very  exceptional 
combinations  of  soil,  water-supply,  altitude  and  expo- 
sure to  wind  and  sun.  So  it  is  quite  as  possible  as  any- 
thing else  that  the  physical  surroundings  in  some  little 
valley,  hardly  large  enough  for  a  homestead — icbi  fans 
placuit — may  have  been  the  cause  of  the  special  charac- 
ter of  some  single  family,  w^hich  is  afterwards  to  become 
not  indeed  the  whole  ancestry,  but  one  of  the  progenitors 
of  every  individual  in  the  nation;  and  still  more  possible 
that  exceptional  social  surroundings — for  instance,  acci- 
dental opportunity  to  command  its  neighbors — may 
have  had  more  to  do  with  its  mental  endowments  than 
any  obvious  physical  environment.  A  people's  history 
is  the  resultant  of  the  physical  geography  of  the  coun- 
3 


34  PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

try,  and  their  original  environments.  In  this  light  the 
study  of  the  physical  geography  of  the  country  is  of  the 
last  degree  of  utility,  but  it  contributes  little  to  the  solu- 
tion of  the  question  of  origins. 


AN   INTERPRETATION  OF  TWO  PSALMS. 
PSALM   LXXIII. 

BY  MARCUS  JASTROW. 

And  5'et  there  is  a  boon  for  Israel, 

A  God  for  those  pure  in  heart. 

But  I — my  feet  had  well  nigh  wavered, 

It  lacked  but  little  and  my  steps  had  slipped. 

For  I  envied  the  merry-makers, 

When  I  beheld  the  peace  of  the  wicked; 

For  there  are  no  fetters  for  their  ilk, 

And  their  nature  is  strong. 

In  the  trouble  of  man,  they  share  not, 

And  with  mankind  are  they  not  afflicted. 

Indeed,  their  necklace  is  haughtiness. 

Violence  their  fine  embroidered  cloak. 

Their  scheme  has  left  the  fat  of  their  reins, 

The  carsangs  of  their  heart  have  gone  forth. 

Mockingly  they  speak  of  the  evil ; 

"  It  is  a  wrong  from  on  high,"  they  say. 

They  set  their  mouth  against  the  heavens. 

And  their  speech  travels  quickly  over  the  land  : 

"  Truly,  let  his  people  turn  hither. 
And  waters  of  fulness  shall  be  quaffed  by  them, 
And  let  them  say,  '  How  does  God  know, 
•Or  is  there  knowledge  in  the  Most  High  ? 
Plere  are  the  villains. 
And  the  prosperous  men  of  the  world — 
The}-  increase  in  wealth. 
Verily,  in  vain  have  I  cleansed  ni}-  heart. 
And  washed  my  hands  in  innocency; 
Yet  have  I  been  plagued  all  the  day  long, 
And  my  chastisement  was  renewed  with  every  morning. 

(35) 


36         PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

If  I  said,  "Thus  will  I  speak," 

Behold,  here  is  the  generation  of  thy  children 

To  whom  I  should  be  faithless. 

But  thinking,  I  came  to  know  this  : 

A  trouble  is  this  in  my  eyes, 

Until  I  shall  enter  the  sanctuaries  of  God, 

When  I  shall  get  an  insight  into  their  destined  end. 

Verily,  on  slippery  ground  hast  thou  made  a  foundation 

for  them. 
Thou  castest  them  down  into  ruins. 
How  are  they  turned  into  desolation  in  a  moment ! 
They  are  gone,  they  have  ceased  from  terrifying, 
As  a  dream  disappears  on  awakening  ; 

0  Lord,  at  the  awakening 

Thou  makest  contemptible  their  image. — 
When  my  heart  was  fermenting, 
And  in  ni}-  reins  I  was  stung, 

1  was  foolish  and, knew  not 
That  animal-like  I  was  with  thee. 
But  I  will  always  be  with  thee  ; 
Thou  seizest  me  by  my  right  hand. 
Thou  shalt  guide  me  with  thy  counsel. 
Until  at  last  thou  takest  me  away  in  glory. 
Whom  have  I  in  the  heavens  .'' 

And  besides  thee  I  want  none  on  earth. 

My  flesh  and  my  heart  are  consumed  : 

The  rock  of  my  heart  and  my  portion 

Is  God  forever. 

For  behold  those  far  from  thee 

Shall  perish  ;  thou  silencest 

Every  one  that  strayeth  awa}-  from  thee. 

But  I — the  nearness  of  God  is  my  boon. 

I  place  in  the  Lord  God  my  trust. 

To  proclaim  all  thy  messages. 

There  are  in  the  above  translation  onh'  a  few  devia- 
tions from  the  accepted  version,  whicli  need  a  jnstifica- 
tion.  Vmo/haJii^  in  verse  four,  is  translated  in  the  King 
James'  version  and  others  ''in  their  death"  (from  ma- 


AN   INTERPRETATION   OF   TWO   PSALMS.  37 

vetJi).  ]\Ir.  Leeser  lias  "for  them",  taking  Pmotham  as 
a  poetic  form  for  P viohein  or  lanio.  In  Talmndic  He- 
brew we  have  Ic*  mothi  for  kamothi^  Jc' motJio  for  kavioJiu^ 
etc.  VviotJiani  might  therefore  be  transLited  by  "for 
tliose  people,"  "people  of  that  ilk." 

The  usnal  translation  oi  yasa  mehelcb  enc7no  "their 
eyes  stand  out  with  (or  from)  fatness,"  apart  from  its 
harshness  of  expression,  is  physiologically  incorrect.  It 
is  the  eyes  of  haggard  persons  that  stand  forth.  We 
take  ^ayin  to  be  scheme^  piau^  (cf.  Job,  xi.  20  and  xxxvi. 
7)  nnd  Jiclcb  to  be  a  poetic  expression  for  kilyah^ 
kidney^  with  which  Jielcb  is  frequently  associated  (cf. 
Lev.  iii.  4,  10,  and  the  expression  "fat  of  kidneys  of 
wheat,"  Dent,  xxxii.  14).  The  kidneys  are  to  the  He- 
brew the  seat  of  deliberation  and  counsel;  the  heart,  the 
seat  of  thought  and  speculation.  In  our  poem,  the 
heart  is  compared  to  a  quarry  or  workshop  in  which  the 
marble  is  hewn  and  shaped  into  niaskiyoih.  The  figure 
of  speech  gains  additional  significance  by  reference  to 
Leviticus  xxvi.  i,  where  ebe7i  maskith  is  shown,  by  the 
context,  to  mean  a  carved  stone  used  as  an  idol. 

When  the  work  is  finished,  it  leaves  the  workshop  to 
be  exhibited  to  public  gaze.  So  have  the  carvings  of 
those  wicked  men  left  the  w'orkshop — the  heart — just  as 
their  schemes  have  gone  forth  from  the  kidneys  in  which 
they  were  planned.  To  this  figure  of  speech  corresponds 
"image,"  {se/e??i)\n  verse  twenty,  where  it  says,  "Thou 
despisest" — z".  e.  showest  the  contemptibility  of — "their 
image." 

Of  minor  deviations  from  the  accepted  version,  I  shall 
mention  onh-  ya''citdf  shitJi  in  verse  six.  The  union  of 
these  words  (by  means  of  the  Makkef)  proves  that  ya''atof 
is  here  meant  to  be  a  noun.     As  a  proper  noun  Yadkob  is 


38  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

formed  from  ^akab :  so  a  nonn,  ya''atdf^  is  formed  from 
''dtaf^  the  construct  being  ya''dt6f^  a  wrap.  The  last 
word  of  onr  psalm,  via/dkhofhekha^  usually  translated 
"thy  works,"  has  been  taken  in  the  sense  oi  nialdhkuth 
(Haggai,  i.  13),  "message." 

As  a  parallel  to  our  psalm,  as  well  as  in  illustration  of 
it,  let  us  read  the  utterances  of  that  prophet,  who,  both 
in  style  and  teiiperament,  approaches  most  nearly  to  a 
mean  between  the  two  divisions  of  Israel's  religious 
poetry — the  prophetic  and  the  psalmodic  : 

"Righteous  art  thou,  O  Lord,  when  I  plead  with 
thee :  yet  let  me  talk  with  thee  of  thy  judgments  : 
Wherefore  doth  the  way  of  the  wicked  prosper?  where- 
fore are  all  they  happy  that  deal  treacherously? 

"Thou  hast  planted  them,  yea,  they  have  taken  root: 
they  grow,  yea,  they  bring  forth  fruit :  thou  art  near  in 
their  mouth  and  far  from  their  reins.  But  thou,  O  Lord, 
knowest  me  :  thou  hast  seen  me  and  tried  mine  heart, 
toward  thee  :  pull  them  out  like  sheep  for  the  slaughter, 
and  prepare  them  for  the  day  of  slaughter. 

"  How  long  shall  the  land  mourn,  and  the  herbs  of 
every  field  wither,  for  the  wickedness  of  them  that  dwell 
therein?  The  beasts  are  consumed  and  the  birds  ;  be- 
cause they  said,  He  shall  not  see  our  last  end."  (Jere- 
miah xii.  1-4.) 

Both  the  prophet  and  the  psalmist  of  whom  we  speak 
lived  in  one  of  those  epochs  of  human  history  when 
despair  threatens  to  seize  noble  and  s}'mpathetic  souls. 
I  would  call  them  the  "might-makes-right"  periods. 

Power,  in  self-glorification,  occupies  the  throne;  her 
minions  surround  her,  covering  all  defects  with  flat- 
tery's gorgeous  cloak;  her  self-seeking  servants  greedily 
seize  the  morsels  of  spoils  which   are  thrown   out  from 


AN   INTERPRETATION   OF   TWO   PSALMS.  39 

the  tents  of  tyranny.  Festivity  in  the  palaces,  weeping 
in  the  huts  ;  revelry  amono^  the  upper  thousands,  star- 
vation among  the  oppressed  ;  wealth  and  abundance  the 
portion  of  the  cruel,  poverty  and  toil  the  lot  of  the  pure 
in  heart.  And  where,  during  all  this  time,  is  the  ever- 
living,  the  ever-wise,  ever-beneficent,  all-ruling  God 
whom  Israel's  teachers  proclaim  ?  to  spread  whose  name 
among  the  nations,  Israel  was  commissioned  at  Sinai's 
foot?  "Come,  ye  foolish  ones,  ye  who  still  keep  aloof 
from  the  seat  of  tyrannical  power,  who  prefer  bearing 
the  weight  of  oppression  to  ranking  among  the  oppres- 
sors! Don't  you  see,  the  world  is  a  fish-pond  ;  the  large 
fish  swallow  the  small  !  Come  with  us,  kneel  down  be- 
fore the  throne  of  might,  and  partake  of  the  crumbs  of 
plenty  that  fall  to  our  share  from  the  table  of  despot- 
ism !"  This  is  the  theme:  numberless  are  the  varia- 
tions upon  it  in  all  such  periods  when  "might  makes 
right."  The  noble-hearted  hear  this  proclamation  of 
the  rule  of  material  force,  and  sigh  and  ponder,  and  ask 
question  after  question.  No  response  comes  to  them, 
and  their  faith  is  shaken  to  its  very  foundations.  A 
moment  of  such  deep  despair  gave  birth  to  our  psalm. 
It  begins  with  a  protest  against  the  singer's  own  doubts. 
"And  yet  Israel  possesses  a  boon,  the  pure  hearted 
/zrtz^^aGod,"  of  whom  no  ill  fate  can  rob  them.  His 
own  feet  came  very  near  going  astray,  his  steps  had  well 
nigh  slipped.  "I  envied,"  says  he,  "the  merry-makers, 
when  I  saw  the  prosperity  of  the  wicked.  They  have 
no  fetters  to  restrain  them,  they  have  a  strong  consti- 
tution," The  conscientious  find  restrictions  at  every 
turn.  "Conscience  doth  make  cowards,"  says  Hamlet, 
the  pessimist.  Where  the  thoughtless  man  rushes  for- 
ward, trusting  in  his  strength,  the  pure-hearted  asks,  Is 


40         PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

it  right?  and  hesitates,  while  tliose  who  recognize  no 
power  but  material  force  have  reached  the  goal  ere  he 
has  yet  made  a  start.  "Happy  are  the  merry-makers," 
says  he,  "for  in  the  misery  of  humanity  they  share  not, 
and  when  men  suffer  they  feel  no  pain."  To  the  psalm- 
ist, in  his  despairing  mood,  sympathy  with  suffering 
humanity  is  a  source  of  misery  and  distress:  happy  are 
those  whose  hearts  beat  not  for  others.  Even  more, 
"haughtiness  is  their  necklace,  violence  their  fine  em- 
broidered cloak."  There  are  periods  in  the  history  of  a 
nation  when  the  crafty  despoilers  of  the  people  no  longer 
find  it  necessary  to  hide  their  wicked  schemes,  but 
rather  boast  of  them  openly. 

So  says  the  poet.  They  boast  of  their  wrongs,  "their 
schemes  have  gone  forth,  have  left  the  fat  of  their  reins." 
As  we  said  before,  by  the  ancients,  the  kidneys  were 
held  to  be  the  seat  of  counsel,  of  scheming— "  the  carv- 
ings of  their  hearts  have  left  their  workshop" — they  are 
on  exhibition,  a  psalmist  of  our  day  would  say.  Further- 
more, they  speak  scornfully,  they  talk  of  oppression  as 
an  evil.  "It  comes  from  on  high,"  they  say  mock- 
ingly. "They  set  their  mouth  against  heaven,  and  their 
speech  travels  quickly  over  the  land."  "It  is  your 
God,"  say  they  to  the  suffering  believers  in  divine  jus- 
tice. "Therefore,  let  his  people  come  hither,  and  let 
them  quaff  water  in  full  draughts."  What  boots  it  to 
suffer  for  an  idea?  It  is  time  to  cast  off  the  yoke  of  use- 
less martyrdom  in  order  to  drain  freely  the  cup  of  earthly 
pleasure.  "Let  his  people  come  over  to  us  and  say, 
'How  does  God  know?  How  can  I  say  there  is  a  Prov- 
idence? Here  are  those  whom  I  call  wicked  constantly 
increasing  in  prosperity,  while  I  am  sorely  afflicted,  and 
misery  is  my  portion.'  " 


AN   INTERPRKTATION   OF   TWO   PSALMS.  41 

The  mockery  here  placed  in  the  months  of  the  wicked 
seems  even  more  strikino^  to  ns  when  contrasted  with 
the  prophecy  of  Isaiali.  He  foretells  the  time  when  the 
nations  will  recognize  that  Israel  has  suffered  for  their 
good,  when  they  will  say:  "He  was  despised  and 
shunned  by  men,  a  man  of  pains  and  acquainted  with 
disease;  but  only  our  diseases  did  he  bear  himself,  while 
we  considered  him  stricken,  smitten  of  God  and 
afflicted."  In  our  psalm  just  the  reverse  is  expressed. 
The  enemy  says,  "  Let  the  faithful  of  God's  people  come 
over  to  ns,  and  admit  that  all  martyrdom  was  in  vain." 

For  a  moment  our  poet  wavers.  He  thinks,  "Sup- 
pose I  speak  in  the  same  vein,  suppose  I  dissemble,  and 
pretend  to  give  np  my  mission,  suppose  I  surrender"  — 
but  he  looks  at  the  young,  the  growing  generation,  and 
feels  that  he  would  be  faithless  to  them,  to  Israel's  fu- 
ture, were  he,  though  but  in  appearance,  to  join  the 
ranks  of  the  persecutors. 

But  how  is  the  problem  to  be  solved  ?  Why  is  the 
way  of  the  wicked  successful  ?  Why  do  the  faithless 
prosper?  "And  in  my  reflection,"  says  he,  "I  learnt 
this:  the  wrong  and  the  misery  that  I  see  about  me  are 
such  in  my  e\es  only  while  I  am  here  on  earth,  until  I 
enter  the  sanctuary  whence  God  directs  the  world,  until 
I  shall  be  able  to  look  beyond  the  narrow  present,  and 
see  the  vast  future  unrolled  before  me.  Wrong  is  a  cas- 
tle built  on  slippery  ground,  a  rock  on  an  inclined  plane 
— one  shock,  and  the  stronghold  is  shattered!  What  ap- 
peared so  frightful  in  the  dark,  the  spectre  that  imagin- 
.ation  conjured  up  in  the  twilight,  disappears  when  the 
sun  rises,  and  we  laugh  at  our  fears.  The  morning 
comes,  the  dream  is  fled,  and  when  the  hour  of  awaking 
arrives,  the  Lord  shows  the  schemes  of  the  wicked  in 
their  true,  contemptible  light. 


42  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

And  now  our  psalmist  turns  from  the  sufferings  of  his 
people  to  the  condition  of  his  own  soul.  Was  he  right 
to  murmur  against  divine  dispensations?  Was  not  his 
very  doubt  a  departure  from  God?  "No,"  says  he, 
"when  my  heart  was  troubled,  when  I  felt  the  stinging 
in  my  reins,  I  was  indeed  ignorant,  for  I  knew  not  that 
even  unconsciously  I  was  with  thee. ' '  Is  not  indignation 
at  the  sight  of  wrong  a  manifestation  of  the  deep-seated 
sense  of  right  in  the  heart  of  the  noble?  As  a  discord 
offends  the  finely  attuned  ear  of  the  musician,  so  the 
true  man's  heart  is  torn  with  emotion  when  he  sees  the 
weak  oppressed  and  the  strong  haughty.  This  bitter- 
ness of  heart  is  in  itself  an  instinctive  worship  of  the 
all-just  God.  "But,"  continues  the  psalmist,  "  I  will 
always  be  with  thee;  thou  seizest  me  by  my  right  hand, 
thou  wilt  <ead  me  by  thy.  counsel,  until  at  last  thou  tak- 
est  me  away  to  glory."  In  the  religious  poetry  of  the 
Scriptures,  death  is  a  "being  taken  away."  This  short 
span  of  life  will  soon  be  ended,  and  a  morning  of  glory 
will  rise  for  me. 

"Whom  have  I  in  heaven  but  thee?  and  on  earth, 
too,  I  desire  none  but  thee.  I  will  yield  to  no  power 
but  thine.  My  flesh  and  my  heart  will  perish,  but  the 
rock  of  my  heart,  my  portion,  is  God  forevermore.  For 
behold  those  who  are  far  from  thee  shall  be  lost,  thou 
annihilatest  all  that  stray  away  from  thee."  Here  and 
in  the  life  beyond,  the  day  of  reckoning  will  come. 

"But  as  for  me,  the  nearness  of  God  is  my  boon.  I 
place  in  the  Lord  my  God  my  trust,  to  proclaim  all  thy 
messages." 

Thus  the  poet  closes  with  the  confirmation  of  the  pro- 
test with  which  he  began:  "And  yet  Israel  has  a  boon 
there  is  a  God  for  those  pure  of  heart ! " 


AN   INTERPRETATION   OF  TWO   PSALMS.  43 


PvSAI.M    XC. 

BY    MARCUS  JASTROW. 

A  Prayer  of  Moses,  the  Mati  of  God. 

O  Lord!  thou  hast  been  otir  Providence  in  all  generations. 

Before  yet  the  mountains  were  brought  forth, 

And  the  earth  and  the  world  began  their  course, 

Even  from  everlasting  to  everlasting, 

Thou  art  God. 

Thou  sentest  man  back  to  the  dust, 

When  thou  saidst.  Return,  ye  children  of  man. 

Indeed,  a  thousand  years  in  thy  sight 

Are  but  as  yesterday  when  it  is  passed, 

And  as  a  watch  in  the  night. 

Thou  pourest  them  out— they  are  a  sleep. 

In  the  morning,  the  grass-like  glistens, 

In  the  morning,  he  blooms  and  glistens; 

In  the  evening,  he  is  cut  down,  he  is  withered. 

Trulv,  we  perish  in  thine  anger. 

And  by  thy  wrath  are  we  carried  away. 

Thou  hast  set  our  iniquities  in  thy  presence, 

What  we  would  hide— before  the  light  of  thy  countenance. 

Indeed,  all  our  days  pass  away  in  thy  wrath. 

We  finish  our  lives  like  a  flash  of  thought. 

The  days  of  our  lives— at  times  seventy  years, 

And  if  by  strength— eighty  years. 

And  their  pride— toil  and  vanity; 

For  the  wind  strikes. 

And  we  are  blown  away. 

\N\\o  understands  the  strength  of  thine  anger  ? 

And  that  like  the  fear  of  thee  is  thy  wrath  ? 

Make  known  a  basis  for  the  days  allotted  to  us, 

That  we  may  carry  off  a  wise  heart. 

Return,  O  Lord,  unto  my  people. 

And  bethink  thyself  of  thy  servants! 

Satisfy  us  in  the  morning  with  thy  grace, 

And  we  shall  sing  and  rejoice  throughout  all  our  days. 


44      PAPERS  OF  thp:  oriental  ceub. 

Give  ns  joy  according  to  the  daj'S, 

When  thou  didst  afflict  us, 

The  }'ears  wherein  we  saw  evil. 

Let  thy  doing  be  visible  to  th^'  ser^^ants, 

Let  thy  glory  shine  upon  their  children, 

And  let  the  beautj'  of  the  Lord  our  God  be  upon  us, 

And  what  our  hands  undertake,  confirm  thou  for  us; 

And  what  ovir  hands  accomplish,  give  permanence  to  it. 

"A  Prayer  of  Moses,  the  man  of  God."  The  desig- 
nation of  Moses  as  the  man  of  God  clearly  indicates  to 
us  that  the  poet  will  not  have  us  look  upon  Moses  as 
the  author  of  the  poem ;  at  the  outset  he  wishes  to  convey 
to  us  the  idea  that  he  is  placing-  himself  in  the  position 
and  frame  of  mind  of  Moses,  that  he  would  pray  as 
Moses  might  have  prayed  in  the  troublous  times  to 
which  the  song  refers.. 

Were  a  modern  poet  to  introduce  a  poem  with  the 
words,  A  Prayer  of  Moses  ^  no  one  would  fail  to  under- 
stand that  he  had  selected  some  important  situation  in 
the  life  of  Moses  as  his  theme  in  order  to  give  poetic  ex- 
pression to  Mosaic  thoughts.  Are  we  not  justified  in 
attributing  to  this  unknown  author  the  same  feelings 
and  impulses  that  have  at  all  times  called|into  activity 
the  best  powers  of  the  poetical  imagination  ? 

What  situation  in  the  life  of  Moses  has  been  selected 
by  our  poet  can  be  determined  only  by  an  examina- 
tion of  the  poem  itself,  and  by  a  coiuparison  between  it 
and  certain  scenes  depicted  for  us  in  the  Pentateuch. 

The  poem  speaks  of  the  sin  of  the  people  and  of  the 
punishment  following  thereupon.      (V.  7-9). 

Does  one  not  immediately  think  of  the  erection  of 
the  golden  calf  and  of  the  subsequent  plague?  (Exodus 
xxxii.  35,  cf.  Ps.  cvi.  19-23). 


AN   INTERPRKTATION   OF  TWO   PSALMS.  45 

Our  ])oet  likewise  has  in  mind  the  prayer  of  Moses,  on 
the  same  occasion,  that  Israel  may  be  forgiven,  and  that 
the  majesty  of  the  Lord  may  again  dwell  in  its  midst,  as 
well  as  the  expression  of  the  ardent  desire  of  the  great 
propliet  to  know  the  wa\s  of  God.  In  a  few  verses,  ex- 
qnisite  in  their  poetry,  lie  combines  all  this  material  in 
his  "prayer,"  in  which  we  find  some  of  the  very  words 
and  phrases  of  the  source  of  his  inspiration. 

"Return  from  thy  fierce  wrath  and  bethink  thee  of 
the  evil  of  thy  people,"  says  Moses  (Exodus  xxxii.  12b). 
"Return,  O  Lord,  unto  my  people  and  bethink  thyself 
of  thy  servants,"  says  our  poet. 

Even  though  the  translation  here  offered  for  matJiay^ 
be  set  aside  as  unwarranted,  and  the  customary  "how 
long  yet"  be  substituted  in  its  place,  nevertheless  the 
two  passages  quoted  agree  sufficiently  to  justify  the 
assumption  of  a  studied  connection  between  them.  It  is 
not  a  matter  of  chance  that  the  parallelism  in  each  case 
depends  upon  the  words  slnib  and  JiinnaJicni. 

We  find  the  phrase  ''ad  maHiay  used  thus  abruptly  in 
•  only  one  other  instance,  Psalm  vi.  4,  in  which  the  in- 
tense excitement  of  the  ])oet  not  only  justifies  the  un- 
finisiied  exclamation,  but  is  most  vividly  brought  before 
our  minds  by  this  most  artistic  and  dramatic  device.  In 
the  poem  under  consideration,  however,  the  prevailing 
tone  is  calmly  speculative.  We  have  before  us  the 
prayer  of  a  philosopher,  and  the  phrase  "how  long 
yet"  would  detract  from  the  beauty  of  the  poem  rather 
than  heighten  its  effect.  , 

If,  however,  we  derive  niatliay  from  m' tliiui,  the  verse 
acquires  new  force.  We  have  m'' tliayikh  and  iiP ihav^ 
why  not  also  j?i'' Ihay  becoming  uiatJiay  in  pause?  The 
exigencies  of  the  rhythm  could  in  all  probability  ac- 
count for  the  chano:e  from  nic  to  ma. 


46  PAPERS   OK   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

The  validity  of  these  assumptions  granted,  the  poem 
displays  a  delicacy  and  beauty  that  have  hitherto  escaped 
us  entirely. 

In  the  Talmndic  literature  our  attention  is  directed 
to  the  fact  that  God  says  to  Moses:  "Get  thee  down, 
for  thy  people,  which  thou  hast  brought  up  out  of  the 
land  of  Egypt,  is  corrupt"  (Exodus  xxxii.  7),  while 
Moses  prays:  "  Why  should  thy  wrath  wax  hot  against 
thy  people  that  thou  hast  brought  forth  out  of  the  land 
of  Egypt?"  (v.  11)  and  again,  "Consider  that  this 
nation  is  thy  people"  (xxxiii.  13).' 

Our  poet,  recalling  these  verses,  combines  the  two 
points  of  view,  exclaiming,  "Return,  O  Lord,  to  my 
people,  and  bethink  thee  of  tJty  servants." 

There  is  but  one  more  essential  departure  from  the  ac- 
cepted interpretation  of  the  text  of  this  poem  to  be  con- 
sidered before  proceeding  to  an  analysis  of  its  meaning. 

The  word  ken  in  verse  12,  if  looked  upon  as  a  particle, 
stands  entirely  without  connection  in  the  sentence;  in 
addition,  the  phrase  hod'' a  limnoth  yaniemi  (teach  to 
number  our  days)  is,  to  say  the  least,  harsh  in  construc- 
tion. We  should  expect  hodi^eim  {ekh)  lijunoth  yamemi, 
I  take  ken  and  ni' noth  to  be  substantives,  the  first  mean- 
ing basis,  reality,  permanence  or  true  existence,  and 
translate  111" noth  yamemi  "our  allotted  span  of  life," 
just  as  ni'nath  kosi  \vl^2.\\'s>  my  allotted  portion. 

"  Make  known  to  us  the  principle  of  the  life-time  allot- 
ted to  us,"  i.  e.  teach  us  the  true  meaning  and  purpose  of 
life,  especially  of  the  l^e  of  the  Israelitish  nation,  "that 
our  hearts  may  gain  in  wisdom,  that  we  may  learn  to 
know  thy  Providence."  This  idea  is  in  complete  accord 
with  the  prayer  of  the  prophet,  "Make  me  know  thy 
•way  that  I  may  know  thee,  in  order   that  I   may  find 


AN   INTERPRETATION   OF   TWO   PSALMS.  47 

grace  in  thy  eyes"  (Ex.  xxxiii.  13),  the  parallel  to  which 
we  find  further  on  in  the  chapter,  in  the  words,  "Let 
me  see  thy  glory."     (V.  18.) 

After  these  preliminary  remarks,  we  may  turn  to  the 
elucidation  of  the  meaning  of  the  poem. 

The  poet  reflects  how  God  has  ruled  from  the  begin- 
ning of  all  things,  how  he  has  ever  been  the  guide  and 
the  teacher  of  mankind. 

He  selects  the  term  777a'' on  to  express  the  idea  of 
Providence,  Just  as  77iako7)i  from  kii77i  signifies  place 
and  also  that  which  gives  permanence  (hence  in  post- 
biblical  Hebrew  it  is  used  to  indicate  God),  so  does 
77ia''o7i  mean  gla/ice  {vide  i  Sam.  ii.  32,  .?<7r  77ia^07i,  with 
envious  glance),  provision  {ib.  v.  29,  dsher  sivvilhi  77ia''07t^ 
the  offerings  which  I  have  commanded  as  a  provision 
for  the  priests),  and  personified,  Frovide7ice.  The  sig- 
nification, diuelli7ig-place^  must  be  traced  to  a  different 
association  of  ideas,  an  investigation  of  which  lies  out- 
side the  limits  of  this  essay. 

God's  providence,  says  the  poet,  is  eternal  and  un- 
changing. He  ruled  before  the  earth  was  brought  forth, 
and  his  existence  will  ever  continue,  from  everlasting 
unto  everlasting.  This  reflection  leads  the  poet  to  think 
of  the  first  tnan,  of  death  decreed  as  a  punishment  for  his 
sin.  At  that  tin-ie  God  said  to  him,  "Dust  thou  wast, 
to  dust  thou  shalt  return,"  for  Adam  had  been  warned, 
"  On  the  day  that  thou  eatest  therefrom,  thou  shalt 
surely  die." 

Our  poet  uses  the  term  dakka  (crumbs),  instead  of 
''afar  (dust),  and  he  sings,  "Thou  sentest  man  back 
to  the  dust  when  thou  saidst.  Return,  ye  children  of 
men."     (Gen.  ii.  17,   and  iii.  19.) 

Adam,  it  is  true,  attained  the  age  of  nearly  one  thou- 


48         PAPERS  OF  THK  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

sand  years;   but   in  comparison  with  God's  eternity,  a 
thousand  years  are  but  as  yesterda}'  when  it  is  past,  etc. 

God  pours  out  a  thousand  jears  like  rain,  and  when 
past,  they  are  but  as  a  night's  sleep,  a  dream,  a  vision. 

]\Ian's  life  is  even  as  the  life  of  a  flower;  he,  too,  lives 
but  for  a  day,  a  morning  and  an  evening;  he,  too, 
blooms  and  fades  awa)'.  The  comparison  of  the  life  of 
man  to  the  life  of  a  flower  (Is.  xl.  6-8  ;  li.  12;  Ps.  cii.  12  ; 
ciii.  15  ;  cxxix.  6,  et  al.)  is  so  frequent  in  biblical  dic- 
tion that  rhe  poet  could  employ  kehasir^  "the  grass- 
like" as  a  designation  for  man. 

After  this  general  observation,  the  poet  turns  his  at- 
tention to  the  existing  situation. 

He  sees  the  human  flowers  rearing  their  heads  proudly 
aloft  in  the  morning,  and  at  evening  withered  and  cut 
down.  A  plague  works  havoc  among  the  people  against 
whom  the  anger  of  the  Lord  burns  fiercel)-;  and  his 
wrath  is  just,  for  their  sin  ascends  before  the  judgment- 
seat  of  the  Lord  to  accuse  them,  even  though  the  offend- 
ing object  has  been  removed  from  the  eyes  of  men. 
Man  seeks  to  conceal  his  fault,  hence  the  poet  uses 
^ahimeniL  as  a  parallel  to  ''dvonothemi. 

If  God  will  not,  in  his  mercy,  cry  a  halt  to  the  devas- 
tating plague,  the  nation  whose  existence  has  but  just 
begun  must  perish  from  the  earth,  like  a  thought  that 
is  forgotten  when  scarcely  conceived. 

And  what  is  the  length  of  man's  life,  his  day  of  ex- 
istence? Seventy  years,  at  most  eighty  jears  (about 
the  age  of  Moses,  which  he  looks  upon  as  a  special 
fa\-or  of  Providence,)  and  its  boast  is  but  pride  and 
vanity.  A  wind  passes  over  the  flow^ers,  and  they  are 
blown  away.  The  abstract  term  Jiisli  (haste)  is  used 
for  the  concrete  riiali  (wind)  (vide  Ps.  ciii.  16),  just  as 
dakka  was  used  for  "afar. 


AN    INTERPRETATION    OF   TWO   PSALMS.  49 

'*  Who  understands-  the  strength  of  thine  anger,  and 
that  like  the  fear  of  thee  is  thy  wrath  ?" 

Kimchi  has  explained  this  difficult  passage  correctly 
by  a  reference  to  Lev.  x.  3  ("on  those  who  are  near 
unto  nie  will  I  be  sanctified,"  etc.)  Both  Bible  and 
Talmud  again  and  again  express  the  thought  that  he 
who  is  destined  for  high  purposes,  he  from  whom  great 
things  are  expected,  bears  a  heavier  weight  of  responsi- 
bility than  the  ordinary  human  being,  and  must  suffer 
more  severe  punishment  for  his  sins.  It  is  unnecessary 
to  cite  particular  instances.  Such  is  the  idea  here  ex- 
pressed by  our  poet.  It  is  true  that  the  very  violence 
of  divine  wrath  against  Israel  is  a  proof  of  its  high 
mission,  that  the  Lord's  indignation  is  in  proportion 
to  the  reverence  for  him  expected  from  Israel  and 
promised  by  it:  but  who  can  understand  the  law  of 
God's  rulership?  Whose  is  the  wisdom  rightly  to  com- 
prehend and  appreciate  these  divine  dispensations? 
Therefore  he  prays  that  God  may  reveal  to  him  the 
true  principle  of  (Israel's)  existence,  in  order  that  man 
may  gain  wisdom  from  the  trials  of  life.  In  the  same 
spirit  Moses  exclaims,  "Let  me  know  thy  ways  that  I 
may  comprehend  thee,"  or  "Let  me  behold  thy 
glory." 

He  prays  that  the  majesty  of  the  Lord  may  return  to 
Israel's  camp,  that  God  may  again  become  reconciled 
to  his  chosen  servants,  that  thereby  may  be  made  man- 
ifest the  principle  underlying  life.  If  the  Lord's  mercy 
were  shown  them  in  abundance  now  in  the  morning  of 
their  existence,  happy  would  be  the  consequences 
throughout  the  life  of  the  people,  joy  would  brighten 
their  entire  career,  *'We  will  sing  (the  praise  of  the 
Lord),  we  will  rejoice  all  our  days." 
4 


50        PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

It  would  surprise  us  greatly  uot  to  fiud  iu  this  poem 
any  reference  to  the  sufferings  in  Egypt,  since  the  passage, 
in  Exodus  referred  to  speak  so  frequently  and  with  such 
emphasis  of  the  deliverance  from  slavery.  And  indeed, 
the  reference  in  verse  15  is  more  than  a  mere  allusion. 
In  a  truly  poetic  spirit,  the  bard  makes  use  of  the 
fact  that  the  sinning  people  has  but  just  risen  from 
the  degradation  of  slavery  to  the  heights  of  national 
existence. 

"Give  us  joy  even  as  the  days  of  our  sufferings,  the 
years  wherein  we  knew  evil."  After  centuries  of  op- 
pression and  slavery,  may  not  a  people  justly  lay  claim 
to  the  happiness  which  the  Lord,  in  his  mercy,  can  be- 
stow upon  them?  Therefore,  let  the  present  generation 
clearly  behold  Qodi^s  mercy,  let  its  reflection  brighten  the 
path  of  all  posterity. 

What  is  the  visible  sign  of  God's  return  to  his  peoples 
of  his  forgiveness? 

"For  wherein  shall  it  be  known,  in  any  wise,"  says 
Moses,  "that  I  have  found  grace  in  thy  eyes,  I  with 
thy  people?  Is  it  not  in  that  thou  goest  with  us?  So 
shall  we  be  distinguished,  I  and  thy  people,  from  all 
the  people  that  are  upon  the  face  of  the  earth." 

The  erection  of  a  portable  dwelling  in  which  God  re- 
sided in  Israel's  midst  when  Israel  halted,  and  which 
journeyed  with  it  when  it  went  on  its  way,  the  build- 
ing of  the  tabernacle  and  the  divine  worship  connected 
with  it,  form  this  visible  sign. 

The  Midrash,  with  delicate  insight,  connects  the  end 
of  our  poem  with  the  completion  of  the  tabernacle. 
(Nunii  Rabbah,    12). 

In  this  particular,  too,  the  psalm  stands  in  close  rela- 
tion to  the  Pentateuchal  text.     The  elevation,  the  sub- 


•AN    INTERPRETATION   OF  TWO   PSALMS.  51 

liiTiity  of  this  prayer  that  God  may  firmly  establish 
and  sanctify  the  work  of  man,  dispels  the  gloomy 
and  depressing  air  surronnding  this  poem,  which 
has  so  freqnently  led  to  the  misinterpretation  of  our 
psalm  as  a  pessimistic  reflection  on  the  vanity  of  human 
life.  M. 


POPULAR    LITERATURE    OF    THE    CHINESE 
LABORERS  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

BY  STEWART  CULIN. 

Romances,  dramas  and  song  books  constitute  the 
greater  part  of  the  Chinese  literature  current  among 
the  Chinese  laborers  in  the  United  States.  There  ex- 
ists, however,  a  remainder,  covering  a  wide  range 
of  subjects  and  consisting  of  selections  from  the  folk 
literature  of  Southern  China,  as  opposed  to  the  national 
classics.  It  is  to  this,  the  practical  part  of  the  popu- 
lar literature  of  our  Chinese,  that  I  shall  refer  in  this 
paper.  In  it  both  moral  treatises  and  philosophical 
writings  are  conspicuously  absent,  and  the  canonical 
books  that  are  well  known  at  least  by  reputation  in  the 
West  are  not  represented.  A  spirit  of  respect  for  an- 
tiquity and  for  what  is  right  and  proper  prevades  it,  as 
indeed  they  pervade  almost  the  entire  field  of  Chinese 
literature,  yet  there  are  few  books  of  a  distinctively  re- 
ligious character,  either  Confucian,  Taoistic  or  Buddh- 
istic, among  it,  nor  is  the  slightest  reference  to 
Christianity  to  be  found  in  the  contents  of  the  thin  vol- 
umes that  are  piled  on  the  shelves  in  our  Chinese  shops. 
The  absence  of  devotional  literature,  it  should  be  ex- 
plained, is  probably  due  to  the  lack  of  demand  on  the 
part  of  the  Chinese  here,  as  such  publications  hold  a 
prominent  place  in  the  literature  of  the  millions  in 
China.  Tracts  are,  in  fact,  frequently  placed  for  dis- 
.       (52) 


UTERATURE   OF  CHINESE   LABORERS.  53 

tribiitioii  in  the  Chinese  shops  in  New  York  city,  and 
recently  a  thin  pamphlet  entitled  ^''  Krvdn  Tai  niing 
shiug  king;  or,  The  Enlightened  Holiness  Classic  of  the 
God  of  War,''  was  tlins  offered  in  the  shop  of  the  "Wo 
Ke"  Company  in  that  city. 

Like  the  novels,  the  books  to  be  described  are,  with 
two  exceptions,  printed  on  brown  Chinese  paper  from 
wooden  blocks.  No  indication  of  the  use  of  movable 
types  is  to  be  observed  in  them,  nor  of  foreign  influence 
in  their  manufacture. 

Their  title  pages  are  usually  printed  on  yellow  paper 
and  bear  the  full  name  of  the  book  and  usually  its  date, 
with  place  and  name  of  its  publisher.  The  name  of  the 
writer,  when  it  occurs,  is  usually  appended  to  the  pre- 
face or  introduction. 

First  among  them,  at  least  in  point  of  variety,  if  not 
in  intrinsic  worth,  are  the  almanacs  which  are  annually 
received  from  China.  They  are  so  varied,  so  curious  and 
full  of  interest,  that  I  shall  leave  them  for  a  more  ex- 
tended notice  than  I  can  give  them  here,  and  proceed  at 
once  to  the  subject  of  divination,  upon  which  several 
popular  treatises  are  found.  An  hereditary  descent  is 
claimed  for  works  on  divination  from  the  Yik  King^  or 
"Book  of  the  Changes,"  and  when  an  attempt  is  made 
to  obtain  information  concerning  the  subject  from  the 
Chinese  here,  they  always  refer  the  inquirer  to  this 
highly  unintelligible  book.  The  most  voluminous  of 
these  works  found  on  our  booksellers'  shelves  is  entitled 
Tsang  sJianpiik  yik^  or  "  Casting  Lots,  Revised  and  Cor- 
rected," by  Li  cJio  tsz.  This  book,  in  12  duodecimo 
volumes,  describes  a  method  of  divination  by  means  of 
64  cards,  or  slips  of  bamboo,  called  kzvd  ts^im^  of  which 
a  set  is  exhibited  in  the  collection  of  objects  used  in  for- 


54  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB, 

tune  telling  in  the  Museum  of  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania. This  system  of  divination,  which  is  very 
complicated,  is  highly  esteemed  by  the  Chinese,  and  it  is 
said  by  the  Chinese  here  to  have  been  invented  by  Man 
Wong^  and  is  hence  known  as  Man  Wong  Kwd.  Man- 
Wong  is  the  name  by  which  C/i'cung^  Duke  of  Chatc 
(B.  C.  1231-1135),  was  canonized.  It  is  said  that  dur- 
ing two  years  he  passed  in  prison  he  devoted  his  leisure 
to  composing  an  arrangement  of  the  Yik  King^  or 
"  Book  of  Changes." 

Another  treatise,  in  a  single  volume,  is  entitled  Ngd 
p" di  sJian  sJib  Vb  chit  ts' eung  kdi^  or,  "  Illustrated  Com- 
plete Explanation  of  the  Divine  Numbers  of  Dominoes," 
and  is,  as  its  name  implies,  an  explanation  of  a  method 
of  fortune  telling  with  dominoes. 

Lau  Chong  SJian  Seung  ts'im  pin^  the  "Complete 
Book  of  Lau  Chong's  Divine  Introspection"  is  a  treat- 
ise on  physiognomy  and  palmistry.  Kwdn  tai  ling 
ts'iJii^  or  "A%'a;/  Tai^  divining  lots"  is  a  collection  of 
verses  with  commentaries,  used  when  the  divining 
sticks  are  thrown  before  the  god  Kwdn.  The  pages  of 
this  book  are  numbered  from  i  to  100,  and  correspond 
with  the  divining  sticks  which  bear  the  same  numbers. 
It  is  found  in  use  in  many  shops  and  laundries,  and  is 
oftener  referred  to  than  any  other  work  used  in  fortune- 
telling. 

The  step  from  divination  to  gambling  seems  a  com- 
paratively short  one,  and  yet,  while  the  latter  subject  is 
tabooed,  both  in  letters  and  polite  conversation,  a  hand- 
book for  calculating  the  prices  of  tickets  and  the  re- 
sulting prizes  for  the  literary  lottery  called  the  "White 
Pigeon  Ticket"  is  sold  here.  This  book  is  lithographed 
on  thick  white  paper,  and  bears  no  imprint,  at  least  in 


LITERATURE  OF  CHINESE   LABORERS.  55 

tlie  writer's  copy,  but  is  said  to  have  been  made  in  San 
Francisco.  There  seem  to  be  at  least  two  editions,  the 
writer's  being  entitled  Shan_^  ts"  oi  tsit  kitig^  or  "A  Quick 
Way  to  Get  Rich."  A  translation  or  explanation  of 
this  book  was  published  in  San  Francisco  in  1891  by 
"Pun  Wen."  This  practically  anonymous  treatise  is 
entitled  "The  Chinese  Lottery  Exposed,  containing  a 
brief  description  of  the  manner  by  which  the  Chinese 
count,  combine  and  establish  the  different  tickets  in 
the  Chinese  lottery,  accompanied  by  their  tables  and 
system  of  computing  in  general."  The  calculations  are 
intricate,  and  appear  to  be  determined  by  experiment, 
none  of  the  methods  known  to  Western  mathematicians 
for  shortening  such  work  being  employed.  This  so- 
called  "exposure"  is  something  of  a  literary  curiosity. 
It  can  be  understood  only  by  one  very  well  versed  in 
mathematics,  and  is  interesting  as  an  illustration  of 
Chinese  arithmetical  processes. 

ARITHMETIC. 

The  Chinese  were  by  no  means  deficient  in  their 
mathematical  knowledge  in  the  early  time  compared 
with  other  nations,  and  in  the  seventeenth  century  they 
became  acquaintexl,  through  the  Jesuit  missionaries, 
with  the  science  as  it  was  then  understood  in  the  West. 
More  recently  the  Protestant  missionaries  have  trans- 
lated European  text-books,  so  that  facilities  for  acquiring 
an  advanced  knowledge  of  the  subject  are  now  open  to 
them.  The  only  works  on  arithmetic,  however,  that  are 
sold  here  are  small  manuals  for  the  use  of  the  abacus. 
One  of  these  in  the  writer's  collection  is  entitled  Kan 
yik  si'oi  Jdt  kzvai  cJi'ii  ts'ut  ii'i,  or  "The  important  part 
of  a  summary  of  easy  mathematical  rules  of  multipli- 


56  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

cation  and  division."  The  first  of  the  two  small  vol- 
umes is  illustrated  with  a  picture  of  a  schoolmaster 
with  a  sun p'vn,  or  abacus,  on  the  table  before  him,  and 
a  seated  pupil  who  bends  over  his  book. 

MEDICINE. 

It  is  not  surprising  to  find  the  Chinese  here  well 
equipped  with  books  on  the  subject  of  medicine,  as  they 
are  frequently  beyond  the  reach  of  their  physicians,  and 
have  to  rely  upon  self-prescribed  remedies.  The  shops 
sell  a  book  entitled  /  Tsnng  Kam  Kdni^  or  "The 
Golden  Mirror  of  the  Physician's  Temple,"  which  Dr. 
Wylie  pronounces  one  of  the  best  Chinese  works  of 
modern  times  for  general  medical  information.  It  was 
composed  in  compliance  with  an  imperial  order  issued 
in  1739,  in  ninety  books,  and  consists  of  several  treatises, 
two  of  which  date  back  to  the  Han  dynasty  (202  B.  C- 
220  A.  D),  and  were  written,  according  to  Dr.  Wylie, 
by  the  earliest  Chinese  medical  writer,  who  gives  pre- 
scriptions in  addition  to  theory.  The  work,  as  sold 
here,  is  incomplete,  containing  only  40  books,  ten  of 
which  are  devoted  \.o  ngoi  fo^  or  "external  practice," 
and  30  to  noifo^  or  "  internal  practice,"  the  former  cor- 
responding somewhat  with  our  surgery.  A  treatise 
on  materia  medica  is  also  sold  here,  the  Piui  is'  b  kong 
milk,  or  the  Chinese  herbal.  The  great  work  of  this 
name  was  compiled  by  Li  SJii-clian^  of  the  Ming 
dynasty,  and  comprised  an  account  of  1892  different 
medicaments.  The  one  used  here,  an  abridgment  of 
the  famous  original,  was  published  in  1773.  It  is  con- 
tained in  12  duodecimo  volumes,  and  describes  520  rem- 
edial agents.  The  first  volume  has  477  rude  wood-cuts, 
representing  different  plants  and  animal  and   mineral 


LITERATURE   OF   CHINESE    LABORERS.  57 

substances,  which  are  described  in  the  work.  It  is  not 
unusual  to  find  Chinese  here  who  are  well  acquainted 
with  this  and  the  book  on  medical  practice. 

HISTORY. 

It  has  been  stated  that  the  historical  novels  are  the 
only  channel  through  which  a  large  part  of  the  Chinese 
people  obtain  their  knowledge  of  history,  but  there  are 
several  popular  historical  works  sold  in  the  shops  here. 
One  of  these,  in  two  octavo  volumes,  is  entitled  Kit  Sz' 
K''ing  Lavi^  or  "Coral  Forest  of  Ancient  Matters."  It 
is  prefaced  with  rude  maps  of  the  constellations  and  of 
the  country  of  China,  which  are  followed  by  a  picture  of 
the  unicorn  {Lun)  that  is  said  to  have  announced  the 
birth  of  Confucius,  and  opposite  to  it  a  picture  of  the 
sage  himself.  After  this  there  is  a  series  of  rude  wood- 
cuts representing  the  legendary  heroes  of  China,  com- 
mencing with  Pw'anku,  the  first  man,  and  succeeded  by 
pictures  of  the  first  sovereign  of  each  dynasty  down  to 
the  present.  In  the  space  left  for  the  last  there  is  no 
picture,  but  instead  the  inscription  S/iiiig  tai  mtbi  vicdi 
sni ;  literally,  'Supreme  Ruler,  ten. thousand,  ten  thou- 
sand years;"  that  is,  "O  King,  live  forever  !" 

SCHOOL    ROOKS. 

Although  there  are  few  Chinese  children  here,  and  no 
Chinese  'school  or  school-masters  who  practice  their  pro- 
fession, I  found  several  elementary  school-books  for  sale 
in  one  of  the  shops  in  New  York  city.  They  consisted 
of  the  first,  second  and  fourth  books,  as  described  by 
Dr.  Williams,  that  are  placed  in  the  hands  of  Chinese 
children.  They  are  long,  narrow  pamphlets,  of  white 
paper,  with  red  paper  covers,  and  printed  in  large  char- 


58  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

acters  of  the  kind  called  Sintg^  of  great  beauty.  It  is 
the  custom  for  pupils  to  cover  these  books  with  an  en- 
velope of  semi-transparent  paper,  upon  which  they  copy 
with  a  brush  the  characters  beneath.  The  first  book  is 
entitled  the  Sdni  Tsz^  Ki^^g^  oi"  "Trimetrial  Classic," 
written  in  the  Sung  dynasty  (A.  D.  1050).  It  begins 
with  a  sentence,  the  first  which  a  Chinese  learns  at  school, 
and  which,  according  to  Dr.  Williams,  contains  one  of 
the  most  disputed  doctrines  of  the  ancient  heathen 
world  : 

Men  at  their  birth  are  by  nature  radically  good  ; 
Though  alike  in  this,  in  practice  they  widely  diverge. 
If  not  educated  the  natural  character  grows  worse  ; 

A  course  of  education  is  made  valuable  by  close  attention. 

***** 

As  gems  unwrought  serve  no  useful  end, 

So  men  untaught  will  never  know  what  right  conduct  is. 

The  next  book  of  the  three,  although  according  to 
Dr.  Williams,  another  called  the  Pdk-kd-sing^  or  "Cen- 
tury of  Surnames,"  intervenes,  is  the  Tin  tsz'  man^  or 
"  Thousand  Character  Classic."  which  is  composed  of 
just  1,000  characters^  no  two  of  which  are  alike  in  form 
or  meaning.  It  is  attributed  to  the  sixth  century  of  our 
era,  and  treats  of  man  in  the  various  relations  of  life,  in- 
terspersed with  numerous  historical  illustrations.  The 
third  book,  entitled  Yaii  hok  shi\  or  "Odes  for  Chil- 
dren," is  written  in  rhymed  pentameters,  and  according 
to  Dr.  WiHiams  contains  a  brief  description  and  praise 
of  literary  life,  and  allusion  to  the  changes  of  the  season 
and  the  beauties  of  nature. 

DICTIONARIES. 

The  Chinese,  according  to  Dr.  Wylie,  have  bestowed 
much  labor  upon  the  compilation  of  dictionaries,  in  or- 


LITERATURE   OF   CHINESE   LABORERS.  59 

der  to  preserve  the  purity  of  the  language  to  after  ages. 
These  books  may  be  ranged,  on  his  antliority,  in  the 
following  three  divisions,  according  to  the  plan  of  their 
construction :  First,  those  in  which  the  words  are 
arranged  in  various  categories  fixed  upon  with  regard  to 
affinity  of  subjects.  Next,  those  arranged  according  to 
the  radical  part  of  the  character,  the  first  work  of  this 
kind  having  been  published  A.  D.  100;  and  thirdly, 
those  which  are  arranged  in  accordance  with  the  tones 
and  final  sounds  of  the  characters.  It  is  to  this  last  class 
to  which  the  native  dictionaries  used  by  the  Chinese 
laborers  in  the  United  States  belong.  The  book  most 
frequently  consulted  by  them  is  a  thin  octavo  volume, 
entitled  Tung  yam  tsz^  hti^  "Collection  of  characters 
agreeing  in  sound."  It  contains  10,025  characters, 
arranged  in  thirty-six  divisions,  under  as  many  final 
sounds.  These  are  indicated  by  well-known  characters, 
placed  at  the  head  of  each  division.  This  book  is  thus. 
as  its  name  implies,  a  rhyming  dictionary.  Its  chief 
use  is  to  enable  a  writer  to  select  the  correct  character 
from  among  those  having  the  same  sound,  short  defini- 
tions under  each  enabling  him  to  determine  the  one 
with  the  desired  meaning.  It  is  inadequate  in  many 
ways.  Thus,  there  are  fifty-three  finals  or  rhymes  in 
the  Canton  dialect,  while  all  the  characters  in  this  tsz' 
liii^  as  such  books  are  familiarly  called,  are  arranged 
under  thirty-six  final  sounds.  The  person,  too,  who 
uses  it  is  supposed  to  know  the  sound  of  the  character 
he  wants,  as  Dr.  Williams  justly  remarks  concerning 
the  next  described  volume.  This  book,  which  is  sold 
in  the  Chinese  shops  here,  is  entitled  Kong-ii  dCik-titk^ 
Fan-wan  ts^'ut-iii  hop  tsap^  or,  as  it  has  been  translated 
by  a  distinguished    scholar  of  this    city,    "River  and 


6o  PAPERvS   OF   THE   ORIKNTAL   CLUB. 

Lake  (i.  e,,  universal)  letter-model  rhyme  distinguish- 
ing selected,  important  gathered  collection."  It  may 
be  observed  that  many  translations  from  the  Chinese 
lose  much  of  the  force  and  conciseness  of  the  original 
in  an  attempt  to  bring  them  into  accord  with  the 
English  idiom.  This  work,  which,  according  to  Dr. 
Williams,  is  the  standard  of  pronunciation  for  the  Can- 
ton dialect,  is  in  the  form  of  a  small  dudecimo  hand- 
book. The  edition  sold  here  is  in  four  volumes,  bound 
in  two,  and  contains  7327  characters. 

The  latter  are  arranged  under  the  thirty-three  finals 
of  the  first  three  upper  .tones.  Their  sounds  are  repre- 
sented, as  in  the  tsz''  Iuj\  by  standard  and  well  known 
characters,  the  remaining  twenty  finals  in  the  fourth 
tone,  which  end  in  X',  p  and  /,  being  included  under 
them.  The  unwritten  sounds  or  colloquial  words  used 
by  the  people  of  Canton,  according  to  Dr.  Williams,  are 
nearly  all  omitted,  which  is  one  of  its  greatest  defects, 
and  renders  it  far  less  useful  to  the  foreigner,  who  is 
learning  the  dialect,  than  the  superior  local  vocabularies 
of  Amoy  and  Funchan. 

CHINESE  AND  ENGLISH. 

The  Chinese  and  English  dictionaries  used  by  the 
Chinese  in  the  United  States  have  the  words  arranged 
in  categories,  according  to  the  affinity  of  subjects,  a 
method  of  arrangement  generally  adopted  in  the  compi- 
lation of  Chinese  dictionaries  in  foreign  languages.  TJie 
one  work  highly  esteemed  is  entitled  Yijig  u  Tsdp  Ts'un^ 
"English  words  collected  completely,"  by  T^ ong  Ting 
Kit.  The  copy  in  the  writer's  collection,  a  gift  from  Mr. 
Simon  Stern,  who  obtained  it  at  San  Francisco,  is  in 
six  octavo  volumes,  printed  on  white  paper  and  protected 


LITERATURE   OF   CHINESE   LABORERS.  6l 

by  two  board  covers,  between  which  it  is  secured  by 
tapes.  In  its  externals  it  presents  a  good  specimen  of 
high-class  Chinese  book-making. 

The  author,  in  a  modest  English  preface,  states  that  it 
was  written  by  him,  "a  native  of  Canton,  in  the  Canton 
dialect,  chiefly  to  suit  the  taste  of  Canton  people  wlio 
have  transactions  or  are  connected  with  foreigners.  The 
words  are  first  given  in  Chinese;  then  the  pronunciation 
of  such  words,  written  in  English;  then  the  meaning  of 
those  words  in  the  English  language;  and  lastly,  the 
pronunciation  of  the  English  words  written  in  Chinese, 
so  that  the  book  is  not  only  useful  for  Chinese  to  learn 
English,  but  at  the  same  time  it  will  enable  foreigners 
to  learn  Chinese."  The  preface  bears  the  date  of  April 
2ist,  1862.  The  English  characters  are  written  fairly 
and  distinctly  in  script,  and  the  Chinese  characters  are 
of  great  beauty.  The  book  is,  in  fact,  a  perfect  fac 
simile  of  the  author's  manuscript,  which  was  pasted, 
sheet  by  sheet,  upon  the  engraver's  wooden  blocks,  as  is 
the  custom  with  "copy"  furnished  to  the  printer  in 
China.  This  work  is  most  highly  esteemed  by  the  Chi- 
nese as  the  one  best  adapted  for  its  purpose,  and  is  cele- 
brated for  the  perfection  of  its  English  text.  Its  author, 
who  is  living,  has  since  written  a  book  of  travels  in 
foreign  countries,  and  obtained  a  distinguished  official 
position  in  China. 

It  is  or  was  the  custom  in  Sail  Francisco  for  several 
Chinese  to  club  together  and  buy  one  of  these  books 
and  hire  a  teacher  to  instruct  them  in  the  English  lan- 
guage. The  original  edition  is  so  expensive  there  that 
it  has  been  reproduced  by  a  Chinese  firm  in  that  city. 
This  pirated  edition  is  lithographed  on  thick  paper  and 
bound  in    one  volume.      Neither  the   Chinese   nor  the 


62         PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

American  edition  of  this  work  is  sold  in  the  Chinese 
shops  I  have  described  here,  but  it  is  said  to  be  the 
sonrce  of  the  Chinese  and  English  hand-books  that  are 
found  in  their  collections.  The  one  in  common  use  is 
in  two  small  octavo  volumes  entitled  Fa  ying  fung  i'l 
or  "Chinese  and  English  dictionary."  It  contains 
about  2,000  English  words,  with  a  number  of  English 
phrases,  all  arranged  in  categories  according  to  the  sub- 
ject. The  words  are  those  used  in  trade,  shipping  and 
domestic  service.  It  is  printed  on  brown  paper  in  the 
ordinary  Chinese  manner.  The  words  and  phrases  are 
written  in  ruled  spaces  in  English  script,  with  the  cor- 
responding Chinese  text  above  them,  and  the  English 
pronunciation  written  phonetically  in  Chinese  characters 
below.  It  bears  the  date  1872.  but,  from  references  to 
an  earlier  date  in  the  business  forms  in  the  text,  was 
probably  written  some  years  before  that  time.  This 
vocabular)-  is  too  limited  and  restricted  for  more  than 
the  most  elementary  instruction  in  English,  and  many 
Chinese  use  the  dictionary  by  Kwong  Ki  Chiu,  which 
was  published  in  Hong  Kong  in  1875. 


THE  ALPHABETS  OF  THE  BERBERS. 

BY   D.   G.   BRINTON. 

The  Berber  tribes  are  called  by  some  writers,  collec- 
tively Hamites,  and  by  others  Proto-Seinites.  From  the 
.  dawn  of  history  they  have  occupied  most  of  the  area  be- 
tween the  Nile  Valley  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean  north  of 
the  Soudan.  They  have  also  linguistic  kinsfolk  in 
Abyssinia  and  in  adjacent  parts  of  East  Africa.  The 
ancient  Ethiopians  or  Cushites  were  of  their  lineage; 
Timbuctoo  was  founded  by  one  of  their  chieftians,  and 
the  extinct  Guanches  of  the  Canary  Islands  were  mem- 
bers of  their  stock.  To  them  belonged  the  classical 
Libyans,  Numidians,  Mauritanians,  and  Getulians,  and 
in  later  times  petty  tribes  innumerable,  the  most  prom- 
inent of  which  to-day  are  the  Rifians  of  INIorocco,  the 
Kabyles  of  Algeria,  the  Touaregs  or  Tamachek  of  the 
Sahara,  the  Mzabis,  etc.  They  extended  into  Palestine 
and  Syria,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  ancient  Amorites, 
Canaanites  and  their  relatives  were  of  Hamitic  blood. 

The  physical  type  of  the  pure  Hamite  is  that  of  the 
blonde,  with  gray  or  blue  eyes,  3ellowish  or  reddish 
hair,  tall  in  stature  and  dolichocephalic. 

During  two  short  visits  to  Nortli  Africa  in  the  years 
1888  and  1889,  I  became  much  interested  in  the  eth- 
nology of  this  stock,  which  offers  many  most  interesting 
problems.  The  one  to  which  I  shall  confine  myself  at 
present  is  its  methods  of  writing. 

The  Berber  hordes  of  to-dav,  with  one  excej^tion,  em- 

(63^) 


64  PAPERS   OF   TH?:    ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

ploy  the  Arabic  alphabet,  though  it  fails  to  render  some 
of  the  sounds  with  precision.  The  exception  is  that  of 
the  Touaregs  of  the  Sahara.  They  employ  an  alphabet 
of  their  own,  of  great  antiquity  and  disputed  origin. 
They  call  it  tifiiiar^  which  is  a  plural  from  the  singular 
tafinek.  As  in  the  Berber  dialects,  the  radicals  are 
single  or  small  groups  of  consonants,  invariable,  and  in- 
flected by  vowel  changes:  we  have  in  tafinek  the  quadri- 
literal  radical  t-f-n-k^  as  is  held  by  Rinn;  or,  if  the 
initial  t  be  regarded  as  a  neuter  prefix,  there  will  be  the 
triliteral  roo\.f-n-k.  The  primitive  meaning  of  this  root 
is  a  sign,  mark,  or  token  by  which  a  place  or  thing  is 
recognized.  Peculiarly-shaped  stones  or  ridges,  which 
serve  as  landmarks,  are  called  efinagha  (Barth). 

Strictly  speaking,  the  word  iifinar-  applies  only  to 
those  letters  of  the  alphabet  which  can  be  represented 
by  straight  lines;  while  a  number  of  others,  expressed 
by  dots>  receive  the  name  iiddebakin  (Rinn).  All  letters, 
whether  simple  or  compound,  can  be  and  usually  are 
written  by  one  or  other  of  these  methods,  straight  lines 
or  dots,  as  is  shown  by  the  alphabet  presented,  from 
Hanoteau's  Grammaire  Tamachek.  The  cursive  script, 
however,  permits  the  use  of  curved  variants  in  some 
cases,  all  of  which  are  shown  on  the  alphabet  I  submit. 

The  Touareg  alphabet  is  far  from  systematic.  The 
order  in  which  the  letters  are  arranged  is  purely  arbi- 
trary; there  is  considerable  difference  in  the  forms  of 
lettrrs  in  different  tribes;  there  are  no  vowel-points  like 
those  in  modern  Hebrew,  and  no  accessory  signs  to  rep- 
resent pure  vowels.  What  is  worse,  there  is  no  rule  as 
to  whether  the  script  should  be  read  from  left  to  right 
or  from  right  to  left,  from  above  downward  or  from  be- 
low upward.      The  assertions  made  to  the  contrary  by 


THE   ALPHABETS   OF  THE   BERBERS.  65 

Hanoteaii  and  Halevy  are  disproved  by  the  docinnents 
published  by  Rinn,  which  I  show.  They  were  written 
by  native  Touaregs  to  native  Tonarcgs.  The  writer 
sometimes  begins  at  a  corner  of  the  page,  and  proceeds 
from  right  to  left  or  from  left  to  right  as  he  pleases; 
arrived  at  the  further  margin,  he  turns  his  sheet,  so  as 
to  go  perpendicularly  or  in  any  other  way  that  suits  him. 
As  the  words  are  frequently  not  separated,  as  punctua- 
tion and  capital  letters  are  unknown,  and  as  the  se- 
quence of  the  lines  is  not  fixed,  it  is  no  easy  matter  to 
decipher  a  Touareg  manuscript.  When  a  native  under- 
takes the  task,  he  begins  by  spelling  the  consonants 
aloud,  in  a  chanting  voice,  applying  to  them  success- 
ively the  various  vowels,  until  he  finds  the  words  which 
make  sense  (Hanoteau). 

Imperfect  as  the  alphabet  seems,  it  is  in  very  exten- 
sive use  among  the  Touaregs,  both  men  and  women. 
Barth  found  that  his  young  camel-driver  could  read  it 
with  ease.  Captain  Bissuel  writes:  "A  de  tres  rares 
exceptions  pres,  tons  les  Touaregs  de  I'ouest,  hommes 
et  femmes,  savent  lire  et  ecrire."  DuvcN'rier  makes  a 
similar  statement  of  the  Touaregs  of  the  north. 

Most  -writers,  one  following  the  other,  have  traced 
the  Touareg  alphabet  back  to  the  Carthaginians,  and 
have  sought  to  identfy  its  letters  with  those  of  the  Punic 
writing. 

Its  history,  however,  is  by  no  means  so  easy  to  un- 
ravel. That  certain  of  its  letters  are  identical  with  the 
Semitic  alphabets  is  unquestioned  ;  but  some  of  them 
are  not  ;  and  those  that  are  alike,  may  they  not  be  mere 
loans,  or  even  independent  derivatives,  from  some  one 
common  source? 

The  material  to  solve  these  problems  must  be  drawn 
5 


66  PAPERS  OF  THE   ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

from  ancient  inscriptions.  These  are  b}'  no  means  lack- 
ing, and  prove  that  an  old  Berber  alphabet  was  in  use 
in  Northern  Africa  long  before  the  Christian  era;  3'es, 
in  the  opinion  of  some  archaeologists,  as  Collignon  and 
Rinn,  long  before  the  founding  of  Carthage. 

These  inscriptions  are  of  two  classes,  the  one  carved 
on  dressed  stones,  such  as  grave  and  memorial  tablets; 
the  other  on  native  rocks,  in  situ^  where  a  smooth  sur- 
face offered  a  favorable  exposure. 

A  large  number  of  the  former  were  copied  and  pub- 
lished by  General  Faidherbe,  and  have  been  studied  by 
Professor  Halevy.  The  latter  explains  most  of  the  let- 
ters by  the  Punic  alphabet,  and  presents  transliterations 
and  renderings  of  the  epitaphs.  His  identifications, 
however,  have  not  satisfied  later  students.  I  find,  for 
instance,  that  while  Halevy's  "  Essai  d'Epigraphie 
Libyque"  was  published  in  1875,  Rene  Basset,  probably 
the  most  thorough  Berber  scholar  living,  writes  in  1887 
in  his  "Grammaire  Kabyle:"  "  Le  dechiffrement  de  ces 
inscriptions  est  encore  aujour  d'hui  sujet  a  contestation, 
au  moins  pour  le  valeur  de  plusieurs  lettres. "  In  a  sim- 
ilar strain,  M.  Philippe  Berger  in  his  "  Histoire  de 
I'Ecriture"  (Paris,  1891)  rejects  nearly  all  Halevy's  ren- 
derings as  incomplete  and  improbable. 

This  difficulty  very  much  increases  when  we  come  to 
the  other  class  of  inscriptions — those  engraved  on  fhe 
living  rocks.  The  mortuary  epitaphs  collected  by 
Faidherbe  may  be  referred  with  probability  to  a  period 
two  or  three  centuries  before  Christ;  but  the  rupestrian 
writing  is  of  much  more  uncertain  age.  Some  of  it  has 
the  patine  and  other  attributes  of  high  antiquity;  in 
other  instances  it  is  evidently  recent.  Examples  of  it 
are  found   in   abundance  on   both   slopes  of  the  Atlas 


THE   ALPHABETS   OF  THE   BERBERS.  67 

range  from  Morocco  to  the  Libyan  Plateau.  Unques- 
tionable instances  have  been  reported  from  the  Canary 
Islands  by  Dr,  Verneau;  Barth  found  them  south  of 
Fezzan;  Captain  Bernard  copied  some  in  southern 
Algiers;  last  year  M.  Flamand  described  a  number  of 
stations  in  southern  Oran;  Dr.  Hamy  has  made  an  in- 
structive study  of  them ;  and  a  number  of  other  travel- 
lers have  added  to  our  knowledge  about  them.  They 
are  often  carefully  and  cleanly  cut  into  the  faces  of  hard 
rocks,  and  are  thus  calculated  to  resist  the  elements  for 
many  generations. 

What  is  noteworthy  about  the  oldest  types  of  these 
rock- writings  is  this:  that  while  they  contain  some 
letters  which  are  common  to  the  Touareg,  Libyan,  and 
Punic  alphabets,  they  also  present  a  certain  number 
which  are  not,  and  which  cannot  be  explained  by  them. 
Thus,  in  the  most  recent  article  on  the  subject,  pub- 
lished last  year  in  V AntJiropologie^  ]\I.  Flamand  writes 
that  these  glyphs  show  "  bien  characterisees,  des  lettres 
Libyco-Berberes,  et  aussi  des  signes  qu'il  a  ete  jusqu'ici 
impossible  de  comparer  avec  aucun  de  ces  alphabets." 
The  copies  of  these  inscriptions  which  I  show  will  give 
an  idea  of  some  of  these  unknown  signs.  They  are 
three  in  number,  and  fair  examples  of  hundreds  to  be 
seen  in  the  localities  referred  to.  One  was  copied  by 
Barth  at  a  place  southwest  of  Fezzan;  the  second  by 
Captain  Bernard,  near  Laghouat;  the  third  by  Captain 
Boucher,  near  Figuig.  While  each  presents  letters 
identical  with  some  in  the  Touareg  alphabet,  or  in  the 
Nuniidian  mortuary  inscriptions,  the  majority  of  the 
letters  belong  to  neither  class. 

Very  noteworthy  is  the  resemblance  which  certain 
elements  in  some  of  the  oldest  of  these  rupestrian  in- 


68  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

scriptions  bear  to  the  alphabetifonn  siccus  cut  into  the 
surface  of  the  dolmens  and  menhirs  of  Western  France 
and  Northern  Spain.  This  resemblance  has  been 
forcibly  brought  out  and  abundantly  illustrated  very 
recently  by  M.  Ch.  Letourneau  before  the  Anthropologi- 
cal Society  of  Paris.  His  studies  and  comparisons  have 
led  him  to  the  conclusion  that  these  inscribed  figures 
on  the  megalithic  remains  are  in  many  features  identi- 
cal with  those  on  the  rocks  in  Tunisia  and  the  Sahara, 
and  that  they  represent  the  rudiments  of  an  alphabet 
more  ancient  than  the  Punic  or  perhaps  the  Phenician, 
one  independently  derived  by  the  ancestors  of  the  Ber- 
bers, and  carried  through  their  influence  far  into  the 
area  of  continental  Europe. 

The  probability  that  in  some  of  these  m-egalithic  in- 
scriptions of  France  we  may  find  traces  of  some  of  the 
ancient  Berber  alphabets  is  increased  by  the  undoubted 
resemblance  of  some  of  the  Celtiberic  characters  to  those 
of  the  Libyan  inscriptions.  This  resemblance  is  com- 
mented on  in  positive  terms  by  M.  Berger  in  his  work 
above  quoted,  and  he  considers  that  it  demands  for  its 
explanation  "an  invasion,  or  at  least  a  penetration,  of 
the  African  element  into  the  Iberic  peninsula"  (Hist. 
de  I'Eciture,  p.  339).  We  know  that  some  forms  of  the 
Celtiberic  alphabet  are  extremely  ancient;  and  that  they 
had  some  other  origin  than  from  the  Phenician  is  the 
more  likely,  as  not  a  single  Phenician,  Punic,  or  other 
ancient  Semitic  inscription  has  ever  been  found  in  the 
Iberic  peninsula  (Berger,  ibid.,  p.  333).  If  the  opinion 
of  Letourneau,  above  quoted,  is  well-founded,  we  may 
reasonably  believe  that  the  primitive  Celtiberians  par- 
took in  culture,  as  it  is  likely  they  did  in  blood,  with 
the    builders    of    the    Megalithic    monuments,    though 


THE  ALPHABETS  OF  THE  BERBERS.        69 

whether  they  were  "Celtic"  or  not,  may  remain  an 
open  qnestion. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  some  carefnl  students,  therefore, 
and  it  seems  evident,  that  for  a  portion  of  the  ancient 
Libyan  alphabet  we  must  look  elsewhere  than  to  a 
Semitic  source.  The  question  is  a  new  one;  but  there 
can  scarcely  be  more  than  one  answ^er  to  it.  We  must 
look  directly  to  Egypt,  whither  the  Semitic  alphabets 
themselves  must  finally  trace  their  origin.  Nor  does 
such  an  answer  present  the  least  historic  difficulty. 
Earlier  than  the  twelfth  century  B.C.,  there  were  direct 
and  much-traveled  caravan  routes  from  the  heart  of  the 
Berber  country  into  Egypt.  "  I  have  not  the  slightest 
doubt,"  writes  Barth,  "that  the  Imoshagh  (Touaregs) 
are  represented  in  the  ancient  sculptures  of  Egypt  as  the 
Tamhu  and  the  Mashawash." 

We  are  well  aware  that  thousands  of  Berber  soldiers 
were  enlisted  in  the  Egyptian  armies  in  the  Ramesside 
epoch.  The  high  culture  they  possessed  is  attested  by 
the  catalogue  of  spoils  in  the  inscription  of  Merenptah 
I.  These  included  gold  and  silver  drinking  vases, 
swords  and  armor  of  hardened  copper,  razors,  etc.,  indi- 
cating a  developed  condition  of  the  arts.  The  signal 
defeat  they  encountered  in  the  decisive  battle  at  Per-er- 
schepset  did  not  break  the  power  of  the  Eibyan  kings. 
We  know  that  they  recovered  themselves,  and  in  the 
reign  of  Merenptah  II.,  grandson  of  the  first  of  the 
name,  possessed  themselves  of  the  whole  of  the  western 
delta  ;  nor  was  it  until  their  defeat  by  the  powerful 
Rameses  III.,  that  their  destructive  inroads  ceased 
(Erman,  Aigypten^  Bd.  I.,  §§77-80). 

Unquestionably,  during  this  long  intercourse  in  peace 
and  war,  a  knowledge  of  some  of  the  Egyptian  methods 


JO  PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

of  writino;  must  have  extended  among  the  Berbers.  As 
M.  Bertrer  remarks — "  There  is  too  great  a  lacuna  be- 
tween  the  Punic  and  the  Libyan  alphabets  for  us  to 
admit  that  they  were  derived  the  one  from  the  other." 
(ibid,  p.  332).  Doubtless  they  were  related  in  origin, 
and  at  a  later  date  stood  geographically  side  by  side 
and  exerted  some  influence  on  each  other;  but  there  is 
no  necessity  any  longer  of  accepting  the  popular  theory 
that  the  old  Libyans  and  Numidians  were  ignorant  of 
writing  until  Dido  founded  her  famous  city. 

In  his  latest  work,  Mr.  Flinders  Petrie  maintains  that 
the  letters  of  the  Phenician  alphabet  were  derived  di- 
rectly from  Egypt;  it  is  quite  likely  that  one  or  more  of 
the  earliest  Berber  alphabets  were  also  derived  directly 
from  the  same  venerable  seat  of  culture,  adopting,  in 
part  signs  identical,  in  part  diverse  from  the  multiform 
Phenician  alphabets  of  the  earliest  epochs.  Intercourse 
with  the  Semitic  traders  and  colonists  led  to  a  greater 
or  less  unification  of  the  methods  of  writing,  as  has  oc- 
curred in  so  many  other  instances;  so  that  the  Libyan 
alphabet  of  the  third  century  B.  C.  was  easily  enough 
mistaken  for  a  daughter,  instead  of  a  sister,  of  that  in 
use  by  the  Carthaginians.  But  they  never  reached  a 
complete  identity,  and  as  the  farther  we  go  back  the 
greater  seems  the  diversity,  the  theory  of  an  indepen- 
dent origin  appears  to  be  alone  that  which  will  satisfy 
the  facts  in  the  case;  and  this  theory  has  in  itself  a  high 
historic  probability. 

The  principal  works  to  be  consulted,  copies  of  all  of 
which  from  my  own  library  I  lay  before  you,  are  the  fol- 
lowing: 

Faidherbe,  "Collection  Complete  des  Inscriptions 
Numidiques." 


THE  ALPHABETS  OF  THE  BERBERS.       7 1 

Hanoteau,  "  Essai  de  Gramniaire  Kabyle." 

Hanoteaii,  "  Essai  de  Grammaire  de  la  Langue  Tam- 
achek." 

Halevy,  "Essai  d'Epigraphe  Libyque. " 

Bissiiel,  "  Les  Touaregs  de  I'Oiiest." 

Basset,  "Notes  de  Lexicographic  Berbere." 

Rinn,  "  Les  Origines  Bcrberes. " 

Numerous  articles  on  the  rupestrian  inscriptions  are 
scattered  through  the  J?ez^?te  d'' EthnograpJiie^  L'  Anthro- 
pologic^ etc.  As  the  subject  is  one,  I  believe,  entirely 
new  to  i\merican  Orientalists,  and  as  it  may  possibly 
prove  of  considerable  significance  to  the  history  of  the 
development  of  Mediterranean  civilization,  this  brief 
presentation  of  it  will,  I  trust,  lead  to  further  researches. 


WHO  WERE  THE  ANCIENT  ETHIOPIANS? 

BY  W.   MAX   MULLER. 

We  110  longer  believe  as  some  Greeks  supposed,  that 
the  ancient  Ethiopians,  i.  e.^  the  inhabitants  of  Napata 
and  Meroe,  possessed  a  wonderful  self-created  civiliza- 
tion, that  was  the  source  of  Egypt's  culture,  and  there- 
fore the  earliest  culture  of  the  world.  Since  Lepsius 
explored  the  ruins  of  their  capitals,  we  know  that  these 
famous  Ethiopians  were  only  feeble  imitators  of  the 
Egyptians,  civilized  by  them  at  a  comparatively  mod- 
ern date,  and  independent  only  since  about  iioo  B.  C. 
Their  culture,  however,  is  still  interesting,  being  unique 
in  ancient  Africa,  and  attested  to  by  remarkable  monu- 
ments. The  part  played  in  the  world's  history  by  the 
kings  of  Meroe  after  750  B.  C.  is  no  insignificant  one. 
Nevertheless  the  question,  "who  were  these  people?" 
has  never  been  thoroughly  discussed.  Most  scholars 
seem  to  be  content  with  the  idea  that  they  were  indige- 
nous Africans,  no  matter  whether  jet-black  or  blackish, 
brown  or  yellow.  But  everybody  acquainted  with  the 
knotty  problems  of  African  linguistics  will  acknowledge 
both  the  importance  and  the  difficulty  of  an  exact  deter- 
mination. No  part  of  the  world  except  the  Caucasus 
shows  such  a  medley  of  the  most  heterogeneous  lan- 
guages as  Central  Africa.  At  least  three  of  the  six 
principal  African  races*  live  in  the  old  territory  of  the 

*  Dwarf- tribes,  Hottentots,  Negroes,  Bantu,  "  Nubas  "  and  Hamites. 

(72) 


WHO   WERK   THE    ANCIENT   ETHIOPIANS?  ^^ 

Meroitic  kingdom  at  present,  so  that  even  the  race  can- 
not be  determined  easily. 

To  a  large  extent  the  classical  writers  are  responsible 
for  onr  nncertainty.  The  Greeks,  who  were  poorly 
gifted  for  linguistic  and  ethnograpliic  observations, 
were  able  indeed  to  distinguish  the  Egyptians  and  the 
Libyans,  marked  too  conspicuously  by  their  white  skin. 
But  all  the  rest  were  "  Aithiopes, "  /.  r.,  dark  people.  If 
we  were  dependent  entirely  on  classical  writers,  most 
likely  we  should  not  be  able  to  recognize  the  existence 
even  of  the  great  Hamitic  branch  of  nations,  not  to 
mention  darker  races.*  The  ancient  Egyptians  it  ap- 
pears w^ere  not  much  better.  See  my  book,  Asien  & 
Europa  (Leipzig,  1893),  p.  112-113,  on  the  deplorable 
fact  that  their  expression  nhsi  (pronounce  with  vowels 
nhesef)  is  not  restricted  to  "Negro,"  but  is  used  to  in- 
clude all  East-Africans,  black,  brown  and  brownish, 
exactly  like  that  vague  term  "Aithiopes."  In  vie\v 
of  these  difficulties  it  is  best  to  determine  first  of  all 
the  race  of  the  Meroites,  leaving  the  far  more  difficult 
question  as  to  their  language  aside  until  we  shall  have 
more  linguistic  material. 

I  keep  the  fiftli  race,  notwithstanding  its  inappropriate  name— the 
Nubas  themselves  most  likely  do  not  belong  to  it — to  designate  the 
mixed  zone  north  from  the  Bantu  territory.  It  is  true,  F.'  Miiller's 
(Grundriss  der  Sprachwissenschaft,  III.)  list  of  seven  "Nuba"  lan- 
guages contains  five  which  possibly  belong  to  other  branches,  but  we 
need  some  repository  for  doubtful  languages  of  this  kind.  I  sup- 
pose after  our  material  has  been  increased  a  "Sub-Bantu"  family 
will  have  to  be  established,  w^hile  most  other  "Nuba  "  languages  will 
be  added  to  the  nortliern  families. 

*The  attempts  to  distinguish  the  (Hamitic)  tribes  on  the  coast,  the 
Troglodytes  and  Ichthyophagi.  from  the  proper  "Ethiopians"  are 
unfortunate. 


74  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

The  Egyptians  nowhere  have  given  an  indication 
about  the  race  of  the  Meroites  which  conld  be  of  any  use 
to  modern  ethnographers  and  linguists.  If  King  Amen- 
hotpe  III.  calls  the  people  around  Napata  nhsi  (Amada, 
Lepsius,  Denkmaeler  III.,  65a),  just  as,  1000  years  be- 
fore, the  tribes  near  the  second  cataract  were  styled 
(L.  D.  III.,  136  h.  i.),  this  does  not  prove  that  they 
were  negroes.  (See  above  on  the  vague  expression  7ihsi.') 
Even  the  nearest  Hamitic  relations  of  the  Egyptians, 
the  red  Punti,  bore  the  same  designation  (Asien  & 
Europa,  112).  'Therefore,  I  do  not  deny  that  there  is 
some  significance  in  the  name  officially  accepted  by  the 
Meroitic  kingdom,  PtompatiJiese^^  "Negroland,"  but  it 
oflfers  only  a  weak  and  doubtful  argument. 

The  latter  observation  has  escaped  the  attention  of 
Lepsius,  who,  in  his  Nuba-Grammar,  developed  bold 
theories,  based  only  upon  the  designation  nJicse  and  its 
alleged  meaning — "negro."  It  would  have  upset  his 
whole  theory  on  the  Meroites. 

Lepsius  and  Brugsch  are  the  only  Egyptologists  who 
pronounced  a  distinct  opinion  on  the  ethnologic  position 
of  the  Meroites.  The  first  declared  them  to  have  been 
Hamites,  identical  with  the  modern  Bisharin  or  Bedjas, 
the  latter  looked  at  the  modern  Nubas  (Barabras)  as 
direct  descendants  of  the  Meroites.  During  Lepsius' 
lifetime,  the  Nuba  theory  stood  in  the  background  ; 
lately  it  has  found  some  adherents. 

I  think  the  hypothesis  of  Lepsius  t  (Briefe  aus  Aegyp- 

* P-ia-nhs  Mon.  div.  i,  11  ;  5,  12,  L.  D.  V,  52,  VL  demot.  Nr.S  (p-ta- 
n-nlis),  the  same  as  Ptoemphaiieis  Ptolemy  4,  7,  34,  Ptoemphae  (sic  !) 
Pliny  6,  192. 

fThe  only  attempt  of  a  proof  is  found  Nuba-Grammar.  p.  cxxvi. 
Arabic  writers   speak  [very  positively!)   of  an   old   alphabet  of  the 


WHO   WERE    THE    ANCIENT    ETHIOPIANS?  75 

ten  181,  266,  Nuba-Grammatik  cxxiv.)  is  based  merely 
upon  the  wide-spread  prejudice  against  the  negro-race. 
Tlie  negro  is  considered  too  inferior  a  creature  to  pro- 
duce any  civilization,  and  a  state  like  that  of  Meroe  can 
be  due,  they  say,  only  to  the  white  Mediterranean  race. 
Now,  the  first  prejudice  is  not  quite  unjust,  although  it 
must  not  be  exaggerated.  But,  at  least,  so  much  is  cer- 
tain, that  our  Hamitic  relatives  do  not  deserve  the 
favorable  prejudice.  The  negro  everywhere  leads  a  set- 
tled, agricultural  life,  the  Kushitic  Hamite,  where  he 
has  not  been  mixed  with  Semites  (the  Agaii  tribes)  or 
Negroes  (the  Gallas),  has  the  most  expressedly  nomadic 
and  pastoral  customs.  The  negro  builds  towns  and  even 
large  fortified  cities,  but  where  is  a  real  Bishari  city? 
The  negro  forms  states,  and  his  despotic  monarchs  some- 
times rule  enormous  territories  ;  the  Kushite  never  has 
advanced  beyond  the  formation  of  clans  and  tribes  like 
those  of  Bedawees,  therefore,  he  has  only  chiefs,  no 
kings.  The  negro  is  mostly  peaceable,  our  Kushitic 
relatives  are  more  inclined  to  war  and  robbery. 

All  negro  tribes  have  shown  some  ability  as  smiths, 
potters,  etc. ;  of  the  Kushitic  nations  hardly  anything 
of  that  kind  is  known.     Certainly,  the  negro  is  not  able 

Nubas,  and,  at  the  same  time,  assert  that  [in  their  tivie!^,  the  Nubas 
being  Christians,  used  (only?)  Greek,  Syriac  (!)  and  Coptic  writing. 
Lepsius  is  right  that  the  Meroitic  writing  is  mistaken  here  for  Nubian. 
The  Kitab-el-fihrist  speaks  of  a  national  writing  of  the  Bedjas  (yet  the 
author  of  that  book  confesses  that  he  never  saw  a  specimen  of  it!). 
Therefore,  Lepsius  argues,  the  only  known  Ethiopia  alphabet,  that  of 
Meroe,  is  that  of  the  Bedja-Bisharin,  and  these  must  be  the  Rleroites 
themselves.  Who  will  admit  that  this  strange  logic  is  "sufficiently 
convincing"  (Lepsius)  ?— The  alleged  Bedja  writing  must  have  con- 
sisted in  some  remainders  of  Meroitic  writing,  which  was  given  up 
sooner  by  the  Nubians  because  they  were  earlier  Christianized. 


76  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

to  develop  a  higher  culture  by  himself,  and  his  cultured 
states  mostly  depend  upon  foreign  influence;  however, 
we  see  he  is  docile  and  imitates  with  some  success. 
The  Bishari  and  Somali  is  nowadays  almost  on  the 
samel  level  of  culture  as  3000,  maybe  5000,  years  ago. 
In  brief,  the  Kushitic  nations  east  of  Meroe  seem  per- 
fectly unable  to  have  formed  that  great  empire.  The 
Nile  valley  is  too  narrow  for  shepherds,  and  would  not 
have  allowed  any  other  dense  population  in  and  around 
the  great  cities  except  an  agricultural  one.  Such  a 
population  could  not  consist  of  Hamites,  and  least  of  all, 
of  Bisharin.  On  the  other  hand,  no  population  would 
fulfil  all  the  conditions  better  than  negroes  with  an 
Egyptian  aristocracy  and  hierarchy.* 

Lepsius  regarded  the  ancient  Nubas  as  negroes,  and 
therefore,  owing  to  his  prejudice,  opposed  Brugsch's 
view;  Brugsch  on  the  other  hand  asserted  that,  accord- 
ing to  the  monuments,  the  Meroites  were  a  red-brown 
race  like  the  modern  Nubas,  f  therefore  apparently  iden- 
tical with  them.  Yet  it  seems  that  Lepsius  did  not  ex- 
amine the  Meroitic  sculptures  at  all,  and  that  Brugsch 
did  not  study  them  carefully  enough. 

The  monuments  of  the  Egyptians  do  not  furnish 
much  material.  The  Egyptian  painters  liked  to  cari- 
cature the  hostile  nations  of  the  "vile  Kosh,"  and  to 
exaggerate  the  immixture  of  negro-blood,  common  to  all 
Africans,  and  perceptible  to  a  certain  extent  even  in  the 

*  Kaufmann,    Central   Africa    (Brixen,    1862),    p.    203:     "We   find 
(among  the  negroes  on  the  White  Nile)  all  elements  of  culture  .    .    . 
if  only  they  would  put  on  clothing,  one  would  not  call  them  savages." 
P.  204  he  states  their  superiority  over  the  Islamitic  Nubians  and  Arabs 
in  the  Soudan. 

t  Compare  Duemichen,  A.  Z.,  87,  93.     Lepsius,  Letters,  230. 


WHO   WERE   THE    ANCIENT    ETHIOPIANS?  77 

Egyptians.  But  when  in  the  tomb  of  Huy  (Lepsius, 
Denkm.  III.,  117),  we  see  the  princes  of  northern  Nubia 
represented  as  negroes  of  monstrous  ugliness,  we  must 
not  overlook  that  they  appear  mixed  with  brown  and  red 
figures.  Similar  varieties  of  color  appear  in  all  represen- 
tations of  negro  tribes,  prove  the  fact  that  the  upper 
Nile  valley  had  a  mixed  population  almost  everywhere. 
But  the  contempt  shown  in  the  pictures  and  the  neglect 
of  names  and  countries  of  the  "miserable  nhese,"  makes 
it  impossible  to  determine  the  percentage  of  negro-blood 
in  each  one  of  the  numerous  tribes  reaching  from  Assuan 
to  Khartum  and  even  more  southward,  who  suffered  in 
the  wars  (or  slave-huntings)  of  the  Pharaohs.  The  ac- 
counts neglect  to  give  even  geographical  details.  I  also 
rather  think  Naville  is  wrong  in  saying:  if  Assarhaddon 
represents  his  enemy  Taharqa  on  the  stela  of  Sindjirli 
(now  in  Berlin)  as  a  negro,  we  must  believe  him  (Rec. 
trav. ,  15,  loi).  Such  pictures  always  are  caricatures, 
and  the  Assyrian  sculptor  could  not  show  his  loyalty 
better  than  by  disfiguring  the  wretched  enemy.  We 
have  to  consider  this  low  esteem  of  the  negro  also  in 
Napata  and  Meroe,  where  we  must  expect  negro-descend- 
ence  to  have  been  concealed.  Besides,  the  portraits  of 
the  Meroitic  kings  have  the  common  conventional  style 
of  later  Egyptian  art,  in  which  the  Ethiopian  Taharqa, 
the  Persian  Darius,  the  Greek  Ptolemy  and  the  Roman 
Augustus,  show  the  same  traditional  face.  Therefore, 
only  a  very  close  and  critical  examination  will  discover 
any  ethnologic  details  in  the  Meroitic  sculptures.* 
The  results  are  the  following  : 

I.    The  color  of  the  Ethiopic  kings  is,  of  course,  the 

*  In  later  time  and  in  the  extreme  sonth  (Ben  Naga  and    I-^s-Sofra) 
the  fetters  of  Egyptian  conventionalism  relaxed  considerably. 


78  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

conventional  red,  prescribed  for  every  artist  from  3000 
B.  C.  If  they  appear  red,  like  Darius,  Ptolemy  and 
Aiiofustus,  this  is  no  indication  of  their  real  color.  But 
while  the  yellow  color  is  prescribed  for  women,  we  find 
Lepsins  Denkmaeler  V.,  5,  the  wife  of  Taharqa  red  like 
her  husband,  which  is  quite  unusual  (compib.  19).  This 
unique  realistic  boldness  points  to  a  brown  color  for  the 
Meroites.  Unfortunately,  we  can  not  determine  what 
tint  of  brown.* 

2.  Before  the  Roman  time  not  even  common  people 
are  represented  with  a  face  different  from  the  conven- 
tional type  (23?).  But  then  we  find  protruding  lips, 
indications  of  prognathism,  63,  72,  73,  etc. 

3.  The  conventional  style  of  representation  requires 
the  artificial  beard  tied  to  the  chin  even  for  the  Roman 
emperors.  But  the  Theban  artists  (Lepsius  V.,  3,  5, 
etc.),  and  even  those  of  Napata  (8,  etc.),  avoided  that 
beard  so  conspicuously  (exceptions  18  and  only  later  49, 
51,  60-66;  the  artificial  character  is  shown  in  the  case  of 
a  queen,  64,  66!),  that  we  must  conclude  they  thought  it 
absurd  with  Ethiopians.     They  were  a  beardless  nation. 

4.  The  curled  hair,  20,  21,  27,  44,  50,  57,  59,  62,  does 
not  prove  much,  as  the  wig  with  innumerable  small 
curls,  dating  from  the  time  of  pyramids,  is  a  part  of  the 
conventional  representation.  But  the  hair  is,  every- 
where, kept  so  short  (comp.  e.  g. ,  75,)  that  we  cannot 
doubt  its  crisp  nature,  f 

*  Passages  as  Herodotus  7,  70  (Nubians  north  of  Napata?),  Aga- 
tharchides  i,  16,  etc.,  on  dark  "Ethiopians"  lack  geographical  pre- 
cision and  are  worthless,  if  we  compare  Herodotus'  (2,  104)  exaggera- 
tion of  "black  (nielanchroes)  and  woolly-haired  Egyptians." 

f  The  golden  head-dress  of  the  kings,  looking  like  a  golden  cap 
ornamented  with  small  bosses  or  ornaments  of  curled  form,  is  worhy 
of  examination.  I  consider  it  an  imitation  of  the  old  barbarous  hair- 
dress,  but  furnishing  no  argument  for  the  time  of  the  sculptures. 


WHO   WRRK   THE    ANCIENT    ETHIOPIANS?  79 

5.  A  well  known  characteristic  of  the  negro  race  is 
the  ill-shaped  breast  of  the  women.  See  for  this,  23,  41, 
48,  49.*  A  feeble  attempt  to  flatter  noble  women  and  to 
distingnish  them  from  the  common  people,  48,  bnt  the 
queen  herself,  50,  66,  67  b,  d,  68  a,  c,  70  b,  c,  is  repre- 
sented in  such  an  ugly  manner  that  one  is  tempted  to 
take  it  for  a  caricature  (figure  i). 

6.  All  women  belonging  to  the  aristocracy  are  ugly, 
fat  monsters,  of  a  fatness  which  would  stir  up  the  envy 
of  any  royal  harem  in  Uganda  and  the  surrounding- 
countries.  All  Orientals,  ancient  and  modern,  appre- 
ciate fat  beauties,  but  only  the  black  race  reaches  that 
perfection  in  the  accumulation  of  fat  which  we  find  with 
all  Meroitic  queens  (figure  2).  Besides,  in  these  we  can 
observe  something  which  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
treated  as  a  characteristic  of  some  negroes:  I  mean  the 
enormous  accumulation  of  fat  called  by  anatomists 
"steatopygy. "  It  has  been  known  as  a  peculiarity  of  the 
Hottentot  race,  but  Schweinfurth  (Heart  of  Africa,  I., 
296;  II.,  121,)  mentions  it  as  coiumon  among  the  Bongo 
negroes.  I  add  to  it  the  two  well  known  instances  of 
fat  women  from  Punt,  /.  ^. ,  most  likely  the  Somali 
coast, t  inhabited  1500  B.  C.  not  yet  by  Somalis,  but  by 
near  relations  of  the  Gallas|  mixed  with  negroes.  The 
same  phenomenon  in  Meroe  furnishes  a  new  argument. 
It  is  greatly  to  be  desired  that  this  question  be  advanced 

*  L.  D.,  III.,  117,  IJ9,  with  negroes. 

t  See  my  book  Asien  &  Europa,  p.  110.  I  must,  however,  express 
some  doubt  whether  the -artist  is  right  in  representing  the  stcatopygy 
so  marked  in  Punt.  The  pure  Hamitic  type  of  the  Pimti  does  not 
agree  wijh  it.  I  suppose  he  had  in  mind  rather  a  well  known  charac- 
teristic of  the  Nilotic  tribes.     [See  our  figure  3.] 

tSee  Schleicher's  Somaligrammatik,  p.  x. 


8o  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

by  illustrations  from  other  tribes.  Certainly  the  steato- 
pyoy  is  not  common  to  all  negroes.  The  Bongo  live  at 
present  1 1  degrees  sonthwest  of  ]\Ieroe,  too  far  off  to 
warrant  comparison. 

7.  The  figures  of  the  women  show  also  a  most  decided 
characteristic  of  the  negro,*  the  oblique  pelvis  and  the 
seeming  protrudance  of  the  upper  part  of  the  body  before 
the  lower.  The  figures  of  the  men  are  too  conventional  ; 
nevertheless  50x^5  the  figure  of  an  old,  fat  priest,  de- 
serves attention  (figure  4).  Female  figures,  33,  34,  35, 
37,  40,  41,  64B,  confirm  the  observation. 

I  think  there  can  be  no  longer  any  doubt  that  the 
Meroites,  probably  a  few  families  of  the  aristocracy  ex- 
cepted, were  negroes,  or  at  least  so  strongly  mixed  with 
negroes  that  their  type  did  not  diflfer  much  from  these. 
Lepsius'  theory  about  the  Meroites  may  be  dismissed 
completely.  Brugsch's  theory,  on  the  other  hand,  be- 
comes more  probable,  only,  however,  on  the  condition 
that  we  do  not  compare  the  modern  Nubas,  but  assume 
their  forefathers  to  have  been  pure  negroes  as  Lepsius 
assumed.  Brugsch  has  tried  to  decipher  a  few  lines  of 
the  Meroitic  language  (Zeitschr.  f.  Aeg.  Sprache,  1887), 
written  in  wretched  hieroglyphics,  and  promised  to  do 
so  also  with  the  cursive  inscriptions.  Owing  to  the 
miserable  material,  his  results  are  very  doubtful.  In 
some  places  they  deserve  attention, f  but  it  is  better  to 
leave  them  aside  until  they  are  confirmed  by  new  evi- 
dence. In  the  meantime  we  have  to  treat  the  Nuba 
theory  with  the  utmost  caution.      Its  defenders  do  not 

*  Emphasized  by  Lepsius,  Nuba  Grammar,  ix.  (cf.  L.  D.,  III.,  120, 
etc.) 

IE.  g.,  his  supposed  form  {i)tnipHl,  "beloved"  (p.  30),  is  explaiued 
very  ingeniously. 


WHO   WERK   THE   ANCIENT   ETHIOPIANS?  8 1 

seem  to  have  observed  that  it  is  contradicted  by  classical 
writers.     The  points  may  be  summed  up  as  follows  : 

Eratosthenes  (ca.  200  B.  C.)  states  (in  Strabo,  786): 
"On  the  left  side  of  the  Nile  live  the  Nubae,  in  Libya, 
a  great  nation,  beginning  from  Meroe  to  the  curves,  not 
subject  to  the  Ethiopians^  but  under  several  kings  of 
their  own"  (while  all  nations  between  Egypt,  Meroe 
and  the  Red  Sea  are  more  or  less  subject  to  the  Meroites 
and,  therefore,  are  confounded  with  them).*  Note  the 
important  distinction  between  Meroites  and  Nubae. 
Also,  the  rest  of  the  note  has  not  yet  been  explained. 
"The  curves"  must  mean  the  great  cu.rve  beginning  at 
Korusko,  not  that  of  Abu-Hamed,  or  even  Ed-Dabe. 
No  "great  nation"  could  live  in  the  steppe  Ba\uda. 
The  IMeroites  possessed  the  caravan  road  to  the  north, 
ending  at  Korusko  and  the  lower  borders  of  the  Nile. 
There,  indeed,  we  find  Meroitic  kings  as  builders,  while 
they  have  left  no  traces  later  than  Persian  time  between 
Korusko  and  the  two  other  curves.  This  strange  polit- 
ical condition  is,  therefore,  not  improbable.  The  exist- 
ence of  Nubae  north  of  Meroe,  hinted  at  also  by  Strabo, 
819,  is  confirmed  already  for  the  time  of  Eratosthenes  by 
the  fact  that  he  knows  only  Nuba  names  for  the  three 
rivers,  Asta-boras,  Asta-pus  (Astape,  Pomp.  ]\Iela,  i,  50), 
Asta-soba,  compounded  with  asta^'\  "water."  An  Eg\'p- 
tian  inscription,  100  years  later,  calls  a  region  of  north- 
ern Nubia  (containing  sih-er  mines, ^  therefore  probably 

*  The  statement  about  continual  wars  between  the  inhabitants  of  the 
two  banks  of  the  Nile,  Strabo,*  822,  refer?  to  Nubae  and  Blemmyans 
by  Lepsius.    But  it  seems  to  apply  to  the  tribes  on  the  Bahr-el-.\biad. 

fNow  csd  in  Nuba  (for  *esti),  in  the  kindred  dialects  of  Kordofan 
(Lepsius  Ixxviii.)  otii  (for  *£»//«).  Mediaeval  Arabs  mention  a  Nuba 
city,  A^tenuu,  near  the  second  cataract.     Note  the  old  form  Aste. 

jEdrisi  mentions  silver  in  the  well-known  gold  mines  of  Allaqi, 
Olaqi. 


82  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

under  27°  lat.)  Ast-riin  (or  -luji).^     On  Astejmiras;^  see 
below. 

The  classical  reports  on  Nubae  or  Nobades  on  the 
frontier  of  Egypt  in  Roman  time  are  familiar.  It  seems 
that  they  inhabited  the  western  and  parts  of  the  east- 
ern bank  of  the  Nile,  including  the  district  formerly 
subject  to  the  Meroites  and  abandoned  by  them,  as  we 
may  conclude  from  the  absence  of  monuments,  after  the 
expedition  of  Petronius  (in  Augustus'  reign,  cf.  Strabo, 
820).  On  the  southern  Nobades,  w^e  do  not  find  any 
distinct  mention,!  and  it  is  largely  hypothetical  to 
assume,  according  to  their  present  seats,  the  mountains 
of  Kordofan  as  the  original  home  of  the  Nuba-people. 
Thence  they  extended  only  northward,  entering  the 
Nile  valley  near  Napata.  Even  if  they  touched  the 
White  Nile  east  of  Kordofan,  the  distinction  between 
Nubae  and  Meroites  remains  in  force. 

*  Duemichen,  'A.  Z.,  87,  93.  Determinative  :  mineral  or  color.  The 
Nuba-names  of  minerals  have,  unfortunately,  been  replaced  by  the 
Arabic  words. 

t  Pliny  gives  a  note  6,  192,  from  Aristocreon,  "from  the  island  in 
the  Nile  obeying  the  queen  of  the  Semberritae  (Seuaar  or  Meroe 
itself?)  the  Nubei  Aethiopes  are  8  days  journey  distant."  The  sus- 
picion that  the  direction  towards  the  south  is  a  mistake,  is  strengthened 
by  the  remark,  "oppidum  eoruni  Nilo  impositum  Tenupsis."  Is  this 
not  Pintpsis  {Pniips,  Ptolem.),  Hierosycaminus,  /.  e.,  INIaharaqa  near 
Korusko,  so  that  the  northern  Nubae  are  meant  ?  Also,  the  following 
division  of  the  country  into  To-nobari  (read  -nobadi,  "  Nuba-country"?) 
and  Ptoenphae  (!  "Negro-country,"  see  above,  both  Egyptian  names) 
does  not  look  like  the  banks  of  the  White  Nile.  PtoL,  4,  7,  31,  the 
remark  after  the  Nubae,  "west  of  the  Aualites,"  is,  possibly,  based 
upon  Eratosthenes  in  Strabo,  786.  The  Nyngbeuitae  Aethiopes,  4,  7, 
35,  are  douljtful.  So  are  the  Nubae  in  the  eastern  Soudan,  4,  6,  16,  21, 
connected  it  seems,  with  a  "lake  Nuba"  (or  Nutha?)  13  (18?)  of  im- 
possible situation  and  dto.  mountains  (16).  Who  will  solve  this  cou- 
lusiou  :" 


WHO   WERE   THE   ANCIEXT   ETHIOPIANS?  83 

Yet  one  could  advance  the  theory  that  the  distinction 
between  Nnbas  and  Meroites  indicates  only  a  political 
division.  So  much  is  certain  that  we  find  the  Nuba-word 
asta  "water"  on  Meroitic  inscriptions.  If  we  read  that 
king  Nestosenen  (L.  D.  V.,  16,  1.  17),  went  to  the  city 
oi  Asde7niii\a)sa,  certainly  the  Astaboras  *  is  meant; 
not  the  river  itself,  however,  but  a  city  at  the  junction 
of  Nile  and  Atbara,  not  far  from  the  modern  Berber. 
But,  what  if  that  city,  although  belonging  to  the  Mero- 
itic kingdom,  had  a  Nuba  population?  More  forcible 
is  the  fact,  not  observed  by  Brugsch  (Ae.  Z.,  87,  12),  that 
the  titles  of  the  Nile-god  L.  D.  V.,  66,  begin  with  a-t 
or  o-t^  which  recalls  the  modern  Kordofanpronuuci- 
ation  for  the  word  asta^  "river,  water."  But  if  the 
Nubae  lived  opposite  Meroe  and  held  such  a  vast  terri- 
tory, should  we  not  expect  Nuba  elements  in  the  lan- 
guage of  Meroe,  especially  in  the  time  of  its  decline  in 
the  second  century  A.  D.  or  later?  Let  us  beware  of 
forming  a  hasty  conclusion  from  one  word.  ^ 

When  the  Meroitic  inscriptions  are  deciphered,  must 
we  expect  to  find  one  uniform  language  in  them?  Cer- 
tainly, those  Egyptologists  are  wrong  who  speak  of 
one  single  Ethiopic  nation  and  think  any  name  from 
the  Upper  Nile  is  Ethiopic,  /.  ^. ,  Meroitic.  Krall  (Stu- 
dieu  IV,  in  Sitzungsberichte,  Wien,  1890),  has  pointed 
out  the  great  difference  in  the  phonetic  system  of 
the  geographical  names,  and  observed  that  the  absence 

*  Change  between  ni  and  \v,  b  also  in  the  name  Meroe,  written  in 
earlier  time  Beruwa,  later  with  m.  If  the  Geez  (Dillmann,  Grammar, 
p.  52),  has  received  the  same  peculiarity  from  the  ancient  Agaii  dia- 
lects, I  do  not  deny  the  possibility  that  some  languages  of  Eastern 
Africa,  quite  different  in  structure,  may  have  been  influenced  by  a 
common  foreign  elenient  in  their  pronunciation. 


84  PAPERS   OF   THK   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

of  the  Semitic  letter  clieth  {khetJi)  in  modern  Nuba 
(which  lacks  even  Ji)  and  in  the  ancient  names  of  north- 
ern Nnbia  (p.  38)  contrasts  with  its  occurrence  in  the 
names  of  Meroitic  kings,  and  also  in  names  of  countries 
raided  by  these  (L.  D.  V.,  16,  rev.  29,  etc.).  The  latter 
fact  is  strange,  because  the  Nilotic  negro-languages  down 
to  the  Equator  do  not  possess  that  sound,  common  to 
the  Semites  and  (earlier)  Hamites,  and  avoid  even  the 
sound  of//,  just  as  the  Nuba  does.  Those  hostile  coun- 
tries may  have  been  influenced  by  Hamitic  pronuncia- 
tion. 

It  is,  of  course,  quite  impossible  to  determine  any- 
thing beyond  our  conclusion  that  the  Meroites  were  a 
negro-tribe.  They  were  similar  in  appearance  to  the 
ancient  Nubas  before  their  strong  admixture  with  Ham- 
itic and  Arabic  blood.  To  the  Nubas,  I  refer  the  pas- 
sages on  black  Ethiopians  *  quoted  p.  78.  The  lan- 
guage of  the  famous  Ethiopians  may  have  had  a  very 
limited  sphere,  at  least  in  Roman  time;  it  may  not  have 
comprised  more  than  the  Nile  valley  between  Napata 
and  Khartum.  Earlier  extension  to  the  North  is  not 
impossible,  but  this  would  belong  to  the  period  before 
Alexander,  at  least.  We  may  well  assume  that,  also 
at  that  time,  the  Meroites  were  only  one  small  tribe 
ruling  over  the  most  heterogeneous  nations.  Especially 
in  the  south,  they  seem  to  have  been  surrounded  by  the 
same  linguistic  chaos  as  is  found  to-day  south  of  Khar- 
tum; in  the  north  and  west  they  were  shut  in  by  Nubas, 
from  the  east  by  Hamites.  Though  the  evidence  be 
decisive  that  the  ruling  warriors  of  Napata  were  differ- 
ent from  both,  the  possibility  is  not  to  be  denied  of  a 

*  Undoubtedly  Ftolemy,  i,  9,  9,  refers  to  tbem. 


WHO   WERE   THE   ANCIENT   ETHIOPIANS?  85 

connection  either  with  the  more  distant  relations  of  the 
Nnbas,  e.  g.^  the  black  Kunama  and  Barea,  or,  per- 
haps, with  an  even  more  remote  dialect  of  the  Nnba. 
Let  ns  trust  that  the  decipherment  of  the  inscriptions 
will  soon  permit  lis  to  operate  with  more  positive  ma- 
teiial,  and  to  determine  the  character  of  that  remarkable 
nation,  doubly  remarkable  now  as  the  only  member  of 
the  black  race  which  ever  made  its  appearance  upon  the 
stage  of  the  world's  history. 


NATIVE  ISRAELITISH  DEITIES. 

BY   GEORGE    A.    BARTON. 

The  following  paper  is  not  by  any  means  an  exhaus- 
tive study  of  the  subject  which  it  touches.  It  is  rather 
an  attempt  to  set  forth  in  a  tentative  and  suggestive 
manner  a  few  facts  and  seemingly  reasonable  theories 
with  reference  to  the  native  polytheism  of  primitive 
Israel. 

YAHWE. 
In  treating  of  native  Israelitish  deities,  it  is  but  fitting 
to  begin  with  Yahwe,  by  far  the  most  important  of 
them.  We  must  in  the  first  place  try  to  determine  the 
most  primitive  character  in  which  Yahwe  was  known 
to  his  worshippers.  This  is  by  no  means  an  easy  task, 
as  it  makes  it  necessary  to  enter  that  shadowy  region 
before  the  beginnings  of  history,  where  we  are  com- 
pelled from  indirect  hints  afforded  by  a  later  literature 
to  guess  at  the  outline  of  every  character.  Such  hints 
give  us  some  ground  for  the  belief  that  in  the  first  place 
Yahwe  was  known  as  a  storm -god.  He  is  in  the  the- 
ophanies  usually  represented  as  coming  in  a  storm. 
This  is  the  case  in  Psalm  xviii.,  Ezekiel  i.,  Habakkuk 
iii.,  Isa.  xix.  i,  and  Job  xxxviii.  i.  In  Exodus  xiii. 
and  xiv.,  Yahwe  leads  his  people  as  a  cloud,  and  in 
Exodus  xix.  and  i  Kings  viii.  lo,  ii,  Yahwe  appears 
on  Mount  Sinai  and  in  the  temple  as  a  cloud.  Indeed, 
in  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numbers,  and  Deuteronomy,  the 

(86) 


NATIVE  ISRAELITISH   DEITIES.  87 

"cloud  "  is  spoken  of  as  a  token  of  Yahwe's  presence 
more  than  forty  times.  For  other  indications  of  the 
connection  of  Yahwe  with  storms,  see  Ps.  civ.  13,  14, 
and  Ps.  cxlvii.  8,  16-18. 

These  indications  are  strengthened  by  the  only  satis- 
factory etymology  one  is  able  to  suggest  for  the  name 
Yahwe.  The  etymology  of  Ex.  iii.  14,  is  a  folk  ety- 
mology, and  fails  to  meet  the  facts  of  the  case.  The  root 
hdya  would  give  Yahye^  and  not  YaJnue^  as  the  divine 
name.  The  derivation  of  the  name  by  Professor  Fred- 
eric Delitzsch,  in  his  ^^Wo  Lag  das  Paradics^"''  pp.  158- 
164,  from  the  name  of  the  Babylonian  Ea,  is  also  ex- 
ceedingly improbable,  if  not  impossible. 

It  is  not  probable  that  a  long  form  like  Yahwe,  was 
derived  from  a  short  form  like  Ea  or  Ya.  The  original 
form  must  have  been  a  word  which  would  cover  the 
form  YaJiwe^  and  also  account  for  the  contractions  yci^ 
yo^  and  ycJio^  in  such  proper  names  as  Yonathan  and 
Y^JioshapJiat.  The  form  YaJnve  is  the  only  one  which 
will,  in  accordance  with  the  well-known  tendency  of 
words  to  wear  away  rather  than  to  expand  as  time  goes 
on,  account  for  all  the  other  forms. 

It  would  seem  a  more  probable  etymolqo-y  to  derive 
YaJrwe  from  Junva^  which  is  used  in  Job  xxxvii.  6,  of 
the  falling  of  snow  and  rain  upon  the  earth.  In  Arabic, 
haiva  means  "to  fall,"  and  this  word  in  Job  is  probably 
connected  with  it.  Yahwe  would  then  mean,  "he  who 
causes  [rain  or  snow]  to  fall,"  a  name  exactly  suited  to 
the  indications  of  his  character  which  we  have  already 
noticed.  Neither  the  literary  indications  nor  the  ety- 
mology constitute  an  absolute  proof,  but  they  open  our 
eyes  to  a  new  vista  of  possibilities.* 

*  Since  the  text  was  in  the  hands  of  the  printer,  Dr.  W.  Max  Miil- 


88  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

The  original  home  of  Yahwe  was  Horeb.  It  was 
there  that  the  name  was  said  to  have  been  revealed  to 
Moses  (Ex.  iii.  14  and  vi.  3).  Yahwe  v/as  said  to  come 
from  Horeb,  for  the  help  of  his  people  (Dent,  xxxiii.  2; 
Hab.  iii.  i  ;  Jnd.  v.  5  ;  Ps.  Ixviii.  5).  IMoses  meets 
Yahwe  in  Horeb,  and  Elijah  retires  there  for  the  same 
purpose.  Perhaps,  originally,  Yahwe  was  the  god  of 
some  tribe  near  Horeb — a  tribe  which  possibly  the  Is- 
raelites absorbed.  At  all  events,  Israel  as  a  whole  seems 
to  have  become  acquainted  with  him  there,  and  to  have 
adopted  his  worship.     To  this  conclusion  the  facts  that 

ler's  learned  work  Asien  unci  Europa  nach  Altiigyptischcn  Denkmd- 
lern  has  come  to  hand.  Dr.  Miiller  is  very  sure  that  he  has  found 
traces  of  Yahwe-worship  in  Palestine  in  the  reign  of  Thothmes  III., 
in  the  sixteenth  century  B.  C.  Cf  Op.  Cit.,  pp.  239,  312.  His  evi- 
dence for  this  is  the  occurrence  of  Bai-ti-y--a  as  the  name  of  a  Pal- 
estinian city.  Dr.  Miiller  feels  sure  that  this  name  is  but  the  Egyptian 
transliteration  of  Belh-ya,  and  that  it  gives  us  evidence  not  only  of 
the  presence  of  Yahwe-worship  in  Palestine  at  the  date  mentioned, 
but  that  the  shorter  form  of  that  name  already  existed. 

This  opinion  of  Dr.  Miiller'shas  prompted  a  re-examination  of  some 
names  I  had  noticed  in  the  El-Amarna  tablets.  If  we  may  assume 
with  Dr.  Miiller  the  shorter  form  Va  of  the  divine  name,  some  of 
these  names  will  reveal  to  us  their  meaning.  Ha-ya  (Winckler  und 
Abel's  Thoutafelfund  vo7i  El  Aviarna,  57 ;  14,  20)  spelled  once 
Ha-a-ya  (144,  8)  would  mean  "My  life  is  Yahwe."  Tti-u-ya  (92  Rev. 
24)  would  mean  "Gazelle  of  Yahwe."  Li-i-ya  (92  Rev.  25)  would 
mean  "  Bull  of  Yahwe,"  while  Pa-fl-Z^-jj/o  (33,  9)  would  mean  "Yahwe 
has  made."  I  have  also  noticed  two  similar  names  for  which  I  am 
as  yet  unable  to  offer  any  probable  explanation.  They  are  Pi-id-ya 
(119,  5,  122,  3)  and  Ma-a-ya  (147,  26,  15S,  27).  It  is  true  that  in  the 
case  of  these  names  it  is  not  certain  that  ^'a  is  the  name  of  a  deity. 
The  determinative  ilu  does  not  occur  before  it.  This  determinative 
is,  however,  often  omitted  in  these  tablets.  In  the  name  Arad-A-si- 
ir-ia,  which  occurs  in  these  tablets  more  than  twenty- five  times,  and 
in  which  A-si-zr-ia  is  certainly  a  goddess,  identical  with  the  Hebrew 
Ashera,  the  determinative  ilu  is  written  before  A-si-ir-ta  but  twice. 
(Q.{.  Journal  of  Biblical  Literature,  Vol.  X.,  p.  82).     It  is  therefore 


NATIVE   ISRAELITISII    DEITIES.  89 

the  home  of  Yahwe  was  Horeb,  that  Moses  is  said  to 
have  received  the  revelation  of  the  name  Yahwe  and 
the  law  there,  and  that  there  Israel  entered  into  cove- 
nant to  serve  him,  all  point.  This  theory  is  also  snp- 
ported  by  the  statement  of  Exodns  vi.  2,  3,  that  the 
name  Yahwe  was  not  known  to  the  fathers.  This  adop- 
tion of  Yahwe-worship  appears  to  have  been  general 
among  the  Israelites  before  the  conqnest  of  Canaan,  and 
seems  to  have  been  the  work  of  Moses,  aided  perhaps  by 
Jethro. 

That  the  relation  of  Yahwe  to  his  people  was  a  cove- 
perfectly  possible  in  accordance  with  the  usage  of  these  tablets  that 
Va  may  be  a  divine  name,  although  not  specifically  so  designated. 

If  INIuller  is  right  and  the  explanation  of  these  names  terminating 
in  Va,  here  suggested,  is  right,  there  was  a  }'a  cult  in  Palestine  be- 
fore the  Israelitish  occupation. 

If  this  be  true  there  are  three  possibilities,  i.  }'a  was  iu  this  early 
period  connected  with  the  Babylonian  Ea,  but  distinct  from  Yahwe 
and  only  identified  with  him  at  a  later  period.  This  is  simply  sup- 
posable ;  we  have  no  evidence  to  support  it.  The  identification  of 
}^a  and  Yahzve  in  the  Old  Testament  would  tend  to  negative  such  a 
supposition.  2.  Ya  is  the  original  of  Yahwe,  axi^  the  viewof  Delitzsch 
which  I  have  rejected  in  the  text  is  after  all  right.  J  «  is  identical 
with  Ea,  and  Yahwe  is  a  lengthened  form,  invented  to  make  the  name 
sound  more  honorable  and  glorious.  This  supposition  has  in  its  favor 
the  fact  that  nearly  all  the  great  Semitic  deities  appear  in  some  form 
in  more  than  one  vSemitic  nation  ;  thus  Baal,  Ashtoreth,  Melek,  Sha- 
mash,  etc.,  are  found  almost  everywhere.  It  may  with  some  reason 
therefore  be  iirged  that  a  deity  so  prominent  and  important  as  Yahwe 
would  probably  be  represented  in  more  than  one  family  of  the  Semi- 
tic peoples.  The  principle,  however,  in  order  to  be  convincing, 
should  be  in  the  Semitic  world  of  universal  application.  There  are 
though  other  important  exceptions.  Nabu,  e.  g.,  appears  to  be 
confined  to  the  closely  related  Assyrians  and  Babylonians  of  the 
Mesopotamian  Valley.  If  he  could  originate  there,  why  not  Yahwe 
in  Palestine?  The  difficulty  of  deriving  a  long  form  like  Yahwe  from 
a  short  one  like  Ya,  which  I  have  already  expressed  in  the  text,  seems 
not  to  be  met,  notwithstanding  the  facts  here  brought  out.     The  anal- 


90        PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

nant  relation,  and  not  a  relation  of  kinship,  was  a  fact 
of  the  greatest  significance  in  the  prophetic  period,  as 
it  enabled  the  prophets  to  differentiate  his  worship  from 
the  nature  cults  about  them,  and  establish  religion  on 
an  ethical  basis.  It  was  thus  apparently  that  Yahwe 
became  the  national  God  of  Israel.  This  he  remained 
all  through  the  Old  Testament  period.  The  religious 
leaders  were  persistently  antagonistic  to  foreign  deities. 
For  proof  of  this,  see  Judges  vi.    25,   xi.    24  ;    i   Sam. 

ogy  of  language  is  all  in  favor  of  shortening  rather  than,  of  lengthen- 
ing words,  and  until  this  difficulty  is  overcome  by  the  presentation  of 
analogies,  in  which  it  shall  be  clearly  proven  that  words  under  similar 
circumstances  have  been  deliberately  lengthened,  this  objection  will 
render  such  lengthening  in  the  name  of  Yahwe  uncertain.  While 
therefore  the  existence  of  the  name  }'a  in  Canaan  in  the  sixteenth  and 
fifteenth  centuries  B.  C.  affords  sopie  arguments  in  favor  of  Delitzsch's 
view,  the  case  for  that  view  is  as  yet,  I  think,  not  clearly  made  out. 
3.  We  may  still  suppose  that  Yahwe  is  the  original  and  that  Ya  is 
an  abbreviation  of  it.  Our  pre-Israelitish  evidence  all  comes  at  pres- 
ent from  proper  names,  and  in  the  Old  Testament  Jrt  is  the  regular 
form  in  proper  names.  It  is  quite  as  possible  that  ^'ahive  was  ih.^ 
ordinary  form  of  the  divine  name  in  the  reigns  of  Thothmes  III., 
Amenophis  III.,  and  Amenophis  IV.,  but  that  Ya  was  used  in  proper 
names,  as  that  such  should  be  the  case  in  the  Old  Testament.  We 
can  trace  the  usage  in  the  Old  Testament,  but  we  may  not  be  able  to 
trace  it  in  this  earlier  period,  simply  because  the  full  name  Yahwe  did 
not  have  the  good  fortune  to  be  embalmed  in  any  literary  monument 
which  has  survived  till  our  times.  These  considerations  lead  me  still 
to  hold  to  the  view  of  the  origin  of  the  name  Yahwe,  which  is  ex- 
pressed in  the  text. 

If  Yahwe  were  already  known  in  Palestine  before  the  conquest,  he 
may  have  been  worshipped  by  one  of  the  clans  which  was  absorbed 
afterwards  into  the  Hebrew  nation.  That  clans  appear  in  the  El- 
Amarna  tablets  which  again  appear  at  a  later  time  as  parts  of  Israel, 
Professor  Jastrow  has  already  shown.  {Qi.  Journal  of  Bibl.  Lit.,  Vol. 
XL,  p.  95  fiF.,  and  Vol.  XII.,  p.  61  ff).  It  may  be  therefore  that  the 
worship  of  one  of  these  clans,  through  the  agencies  suggested  in  the 
text,  became  the  germ  of  Hebrew  monotheism. 


NATIVE   ISRAEUTISH   DEITIES.  91 

xxvi.  19;  I  Kings  xii.  28  (perhaps  also  xv.  13),  xviii. 
21;  Amos  iii.  i,  2;  Hosea  xi.  (cf.  Ch.  iii.);  ^sa.  viii. 
12,  13;  Jer.  ii.  1-12;  Ezek.   xvi.  8,  etc. 

As  a  national  God,  Yahwe  had  national  limitations. 

1.  He  conld  be  approached  only  on  Israelitish  soil. 
See  I  Sam.  xxvi.  19;  2  Kings  v.  17,  and  Zech.  xiv.  16. 

2.  Through  a  great  part  of  the  Old  Testament,  Yahwe 
stands  apparently  on  a  par  with  other  national  gods,  as 
one  of  many  deities,  e.  g.^  see  Ex.  xx.  3;  Dent.  v.  7, 
vi.  14;  2  Kings  xvii.  35;  Jer.  xxv.  6,  xxxv.  15,  and 
]\Iicah  iv.  5,  3.  Yahwe  is  often  represented  as  caring 
especially  for  his  own  people.  See  Hosea  xi.,  Isa.  x. , 
and  Ps.  xxxiii.  12.  These  national  limitations,  how- 
ever, did  not  prevent  a  practical  recognition  of  Yahwe's 
omnipotence  and  omniscience.  He  conld  do  whatever 
needed  to  be  done,  and  knew  what  his  enemies  were 
doing.  The  prevalent  conception  of  him  though  was 
ethically  defective.  With  the  mass  of  the  people,  the 
worship  of  Yahwe  was  performed  along  with  the  wor- 
ship of  other  gods  down  to  the  period  of  the  prophets. 
These  deities  were  the  Teraphim,  Baal,  Ashtoreth,  etc., 
etc.  It  was  only  as  the  national  consciousness  grew  by 
the  unifying  of  the  nation  under  the  monarchy,  the 
teaching  of  the  prophets,  and  the  national  disasters, 
that  Yahwe  assumed  the  place  of  the  sole  recipient  of 
Israel's  homage.  By  the  time  of  Elijah,  the  national 
consciousness  was  sufficiently  developed  to  enable  him 
to  begin  war  on  foreign  deities.  This  war  was  carried 
on  by  successive  prophets,  and  continued  down  to  the 
exile,  and  it  increased  at  each  successive  stage  the 
aloneness  of  Yahwe  among  the  people.  At  last,  the 
exile  practically  eliminated  the  worshippers  of  all  gods 
but  Yahwe  from  the  part  of  the  nation  resident  in   Pal- 


92         PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

estine,  as  few  but  monotheists  returned  from  Baby- 
lon. Soon  after  the  exile,  the  prophets  of  Yahwe  were 
sufficiently  strong  to  root  out  the  last  sporadic  traces  of 
such  native  cults  as  those  of  Gad  and  Meni  (cf.  Isa. 
Ixv.  and  Ixvi.),  and  Yahwe,  the  God  of  the  nation, 
henceforth  received  the  nation's  undivided  homage. 

While  this  is  iu  general  the  history  of  Yahwe  among 
the  people,  among  the  prophets  and  national  leaders 
Yahwe  was,  from  Amos  down,  practically  the  only 
God.  No  prophet  describes  Yahwe's  supremacy  in 
higher  terms  than  Amos.  See  Amos  iv.  13  and  v.  i- 
10.  All  the  prophets  from  Amos  on  recognize  the 
aloneness  of  Yahwe,  and  hold  a  unitary  view  of  the 
world,  /.  ^.,  the  prophets  are  practical  monotheists. 
That  this  was  reached  only  gradually  in  Israel  by 
means  of  struggle  and  development,  is  indicated  by  the 
long  continuance  of  idolatry  among  the  people  already 
noted,  and  by  a  wavering  in  the  matter  of  monothe- 
istic statement,  where  we  should  least  expect  it,  e.  g.^ 
in  the  decalogue.  See  Ex.  xx.  i;  Dent.  v.  7;  also 
Deut.  xxxii.  8  (where  with  the  Ixx.  we  read  b^ne 
Eldhhn)\  Deut.  xxxii.  12;  Micah  iv.  5,  vii.  18,  and  Ps. 
Ixxxii.  I. 

After  the  exile,  however,  when  the  nation  had  been 
sifted  and  only  the  monotheistic  remnant  returned,  not 
only  the  prophets,  but  men,  women  and  children,  iden- 
tified Yahwe  with  the  one  supreme  God,  and  the  rescued 
Israel  became  a  nation  of  monotheists.  Thus  a  nation 
was  prepared  in  which  there  was  a  basis  for  the  fuller 
revelation  of  God  made  by  Jesus  Christ.  Through  the 
ministry  of  Christ,  the  Yahwe  of  the  Old  Testament 
became  the  God  of  the  New.  His  national  limitations 
and  ethical   defects  were  eliminated,  and   His  worship 


NATIVE   ISRAELITISH    DEITIES.  93 

was  henceforth  destined  to  become  the  universal  religion 
of  mankind,* 

Many,  no  doubt,  will  entertain  theological  objections 
to  the  above  hypothesis,  and  will  be  ready  to  brand  it 
as  materialistic.  But  to  the  writer  it  seems  free  from 
the  charge  of  materialism.  It  does  not  attempt  to 
evolve  God  by  a  process  of  development,  but  simph'  to 
study  the  method  by  which  He  has  unfolded  the  knowl- 
edge of  Himself  to  mankind.  All  will  agree  that  this 
has  been  accomplished  by  a  gradual  process;  and  should 
it  appear  that  He  had  led  men's  thoughts  steadily  on- 
ward from  the  conception  of  a  tribal  storm-god  to  that 
of  the  universal  and  absolute  deity,  it  should  but  make 
His  ways  seem  to  us  the  more  wonderful,  in  that  He 
has  called  us  from  such  darkness  into  such  marvellous 
light,  t 

DEITIES   IN   PROPER   NAMES. 

Before  proceeding  to  the  discussion  of  other  Israel- 
itish  deities,  it  will  be  found  exceedingly  helpful  to 
note  a  few  facts  with  reference  to  old  Semitic  proper 
names. 

I.  These  names  when  given  in  childhood  (/.  e.^  when 
not  nick-names)  are  usually  brief  sentences,  as  ATsiir- 
«/;/-/«'<'////«'=  "Assur  has  added  to  the  brothers."  Ahi- 
Me/ek^''Uy    father    is    Melek."       Abi-Baal=''Uy 

*  The  development  here  outlined  is  not  a  theory,  original  with  the 
present  writer.  It  was  suggested  to  him  ^:iartly  by  his  teacher.  Pro- 
fessor C.  H.  Toy,  upon  various  occasions,  and  partly  by  a  paper  read 
some  four  years  since  by  Mr.  R.  E.  Blount,  before  the  Semitic  vSemi- 
nary  at  Harvard.  It  is  also  substantially  the  theory  of  Stade.  It  is 
incorporated  into  the  present  paper  for  the  sake  of  completeness. 

t  Cf.  I  Pet.  ii.  9- 


94  PAPERS   OK   THE    ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

father  is  Baal,"  and  Abd-7il-Afelek='^T\\Q  servant  of 
Melek." 

2.  One  element  of  these  names  is  that  of  a  god,  as 
Arad-Marduk  =  ' '  Servant  of  Mardiik. ' '  Bel-ahi-iddin  = 
"Bel  has  added  to  the  brothers."  Nabu-nadin-ahi— 
"Nabu  has  added  to  the  brothers."  Itti-Samdsbalatii  = 
"With  Shamash  is  life."  Mi-ka-el=''V^\\o  is  like 
El  ?"  Abi-yaJm  =  "  My  father  is  Yah  we."  Baal-yitthi  = 
"Baal  has  given."  Bod-Me/kar^= '' Servant  of  Mel- 
kart."  Amai-As^ore^/i='' Maid  of  Ashtoreth."  Abd- 
ul-^ Uzza-=  "  Servant  of  Al  Uzza. " 

3.  Many  Hebrew  and  Phoenician  names  come  from  a 
time  when  the  god  was  a  member  of  the  clan,  and  as- 
sert the  kinship  of  the  clansman  to  the  deity,  e.  g.^ 
Abi-el=  "  My  father  is  El,"  Abi-Melek^  "My  father  is 
Melek,"  Abi-Baal=  "My  father  is  Baal,"  Abi-yahu  = 
"My  father  is  Yah  we,"  Akhi-ya=''\\y  brother  is 
Yahwe,"  Akhi- Melek  ^  "  My  brother  is  Melek." 

4.  Growing  out  of  this  habit  of  asserting  that  the 
deity  was  a  father  or  brother,  we  have  a  number  of 
names  in  which  the  words  Ab  and  Akh  are  made  to 
stand  for  some  deity  who  is  not  more  definitely  described, 
and  the  name  asserts  something  concerning  him,  e.  g.^ 
Abi-dan^  "My  father  is  judge,"  Abi-da''  probably  for 
Abi-yada' =  "My  father  knows,"  Abi-kkail  ^ ''My 
father  is  strong,"  Abi-tob  =  "My  father  is  good,"  Abi- 
Nadab=^  "My  father  is  noble,"  Abi-no'am  =  "My  father 
is  pleasant,"  y^/^z'-'^^^r=  "  My  father  is  help,"  Akhi- 
tob—  "  My  brother  is  good,"  AkJii-no''am  =  "My  brother 
is  pleasant,"  Ak/n'-'ese?'— ''My  brother  is  help, "  etc. 
By  bearing  these  facts  in  mind  we  shall  be  greatly  aided 
in  determining  many  of  the  points  which  will  come  be- 
fore us  in  the  subsequent  pages. 


NATIVE    ISRAELITISH    DEITIES.  95 

ELOAII    AND    ELOHIM. 

Elbhwi  is  apparently  the  plural  of  Eloah.  Both  are 
used  in  the  Old  Testament  as  "God,"  though  EloJiim 
also  frequently  means  "gods."  There  are  three  in- 
quiries necessary  in  connection  with  these  names,  i. 
Was  Eloah  ever  the  proper  name  of  a  special  deity  in 
Israel  ?  2.  Was  Eldhhn  ever  the  proper  name  of  a 
special  deity?  3.  And  should  both  these  inquiries  re- 
ceive affirmative  answers,  which  was  the  earlier  of  the 
two? 

1.  With  reference  to  the  first  inquiry,  it  must  be  said 
that  we  have  not  much  evidence.  EloaJi  has  never,  so 
far  as  I  know^,  been  found  in  a  theophorous  proper  name. 
It  is  used  chiefly  in  poetry,  occurring-  more  than  forty 
times  in  Job,  and  several  times  in  the  Psalms.  We 
have,  however,  one  noteworthy  pre-exilian  use.  In 
Dent,  xxxii.  15,  we  read,  "He  forsook  Eloah  who  made 
him."  In  this  passage  Eloah  is  apparently  used  of 
Yahwe,  and  is  almost  equivalent  to  a  proper  name.  We 
cannot  be  sure,  however,  that  in  ancient  Israelitish 
heathenism  there  was  ever  a  deity  Eloah,  as  the  w^ord 
may  be  like  the  Assyrian  ////,  simply  the  generic  name. 
When  monotheism  became  established  in  Israel,  and 
Yahwe  was  identified  with  the  supreme  God,  this  gen- 
eric name  was  applied  to  him,  becoming  a  synonym  of 
Yahwe.  That  it  was  such  a  generic  name  we  learn 
from  its  use  in  the  Balaam  poetry.      Cf.  Num.  xxiii.  21. 

2.  As  to  the  word  Eloh'uu,  we  have  reason  from  the 
El-Amarna  tablets  to  think  that  it  was  used  by  the 
Canaanites  as  a  singular  in  the  15th  century  B.  C,  be- 
fore the  Israelitish  conquest,  and  that  this  usage  ex- 
tended to   Phoenicia.*     We  sliall,    perhaps,  not   be   far 

*  Cf.   My  article  in  the  Proc.  Am.  Oriental  Soc.  for  1S92. 


96  PAPERS   OF  THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

wrong,  if  we  suppose  that  anterior  to  that  there  was  a 
time  when  it  was  simply  the  plural  of  Elbah  and  meant 
"gods."  * 

In  Amos  iv.  ii,  we  have  evidence  that  it  had  been 
adopted  in  Israel  as  a  name  of  Yahwe  : — "As  when 
EloJmn  overthrew  Sodom  and  Gomorrah."  On  the 
lips  of  Amos  such  an  expression  could  refer  to  none  but 
Yahwe.  From  the  whole  tenor  of  his  prophecy,  we 
could  not  conceive  of  his  using  it  otherwise. 

As  to  how  the  application  of  the  plural  to  a  single 
deity  came  about,  we  are  left  largely  to  conjecture.  In 
the  time  of  the  El-Amarna  tablets,  Elohim  seems  to 
have  been  used  as  a  generic  term  like  the  Assyrian  ihi. 
We  have  traces  of  such  a  use  in  the  Old  Testament. 
In  I  Sam.  ii.  25,  Elohim  seems  to  be  used  in  the  sense 
of  "divine  powers,"  while  in  i  Sam.  xiv.  15,  we  have 
an  adjectival  use  of  Eldliini  which  could  only  have  been 
produced  by  a  long  anterior  use  of  the  word  in  the  gen- 
eral sense  of  "divine  powers."  These  together  with 
the  expression  b^nc  Elbhhu^  which  occurs  so  often  in  the 
Old  Testament,  would  indicate  that  the  Hebrews 
adopted  from  the  Canaanites  the  use  of  EloJiini  in  the 
generic  sense  at  least,  as  early,  and  probably  before  they 
appropriated  it  as  one  of  the  designations  of  Yahwe. 
With  this  generic  use  we  should  compare  "/7c?;//  rabiitV 
in  Assyrian,  which  is  often  used  as  though  the  gods  in 
a  mass  were  thought  of  almost  as  though  they  were  one 
individual.  In  Ass}Tian,  however,  outside  the  El- 
Amarna  tablets,  ildni  was  seldom  if  ever  used  as  a  real 
singular. t  We  must  suppose,  however,  that  in  ancient 
Canaanitish  a  similar  use  of  EloJiini  existed,  and  that 

*  Cf.  Smith's  Rcl.  of  the  Sent.,  p.  426. 

t  See  the  Proc.  Am.  Oriental  Soc.  above  referred  to. 


nativp:  israelitish  deities.  97 

before  the  i5tli  century  B.  C.  it  had  further  developed  so 
that  the  plural  conception  was  partly  lost  from  the  word 
and  in  the  generic  sense  it  was  used  as  a  real  sinoular. 
It  would  seem  that  such  a  use  of  Elohim  was  adopted  in 
Israel,  before  the  literary  period,  and  if  so  the  term 
would  naturally  be  applied  to  Yahwe  by  those  in  whose 
minds  the  conception  of  Yahwe  as  the  only  God  first 
took  shape. 

3.  Eloah  and  EhVihii  seem,  then,  neither  of  them  to 
have  been  used  as  proper  names  in  any  historic  period 
until  they  became,  in  a  measure,  names  of  Yahwe. 
We  may,  however,  still  inquire  which  of  them  was  thus 
applied  to  Yahwe  first.  So  far  as  we  can  trace  this  in 
the  literature,  Eloah  is, -even  if  we  accept  the  critical 
date  of  Deuteronomy,  used  at  least  as  earh-  as  Elohim^ 
the  former  appearing  in  Amos,  and  the  latter  in  Deut. 
xxxii.  for  the  first  time.* 

If  the  use  of  Elohlin  came  about  as  we  have  supposed 
above,  it  might  naturally  be  used  of  Yahwe  as  early  as 
Eloah  would  be.  But  as  has  been  already  noted,  the 
use  of  Eloah  is  largely  poetical,  and  as  poetry  is  every- 
where so  fond  of  archaic  forms,  one  may  conjecture  that 
this  use  of  Eloah  is  older  than  that  of  Elohhn. 

EL. 
El^  which  is  etymologically  connected  with  the  As- 
syrian //?/!,  "god,"  unlike  the  two  names  last  consid- 
ered, was  evidentl)'  once  the  name  of  a  special  deity. 
This  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  we  find  it  as  a  com- 
ponent part  of  so  many  proper  names  as  N'-Uhan-el^ 
Yisra-el,  etc.  It  is,  however,  distinctly  shown  by  the 
name  Eli-el  (=  "  My  god   is  El,")  which   occurs    in   i 

*  Deut.  xxxii.  appears  to  be  older  than  JE.    Cf.  Driver's  Intro.,  p.  89. 


98         PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

Cliron.  xi.  46,  47;  xii.  11,  etc.  Pciiii-cl  and  BctJi-el 
seem  to  have  been  especial  sanctuaries  of  this  deity  as 
their  names  evince,  though  El  was  at  an  early  time 
identified  with  Yahwe,  and  these  places  became  centres 
about  which  the  sacred  traditions  of  Yahwe  revolved. 
(See  Genesis  xxviii.  and  xxxii).  At  some  very  early 
time,  perhaps  through  the  similarity  of  its  sound  to 
ElbaJi^  it  came  to  be  used  for  "god"  in  general,  and 
then  was  identified  with  Yahwe.  This  identification 
had  taken  place  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Jeroboam  II., 
as  El  is  used  with  the  evident  meaning  of  Yahwe  in  the 
Balaam  poems,  which  critics  refer  to  that  reign. 

One  might  infer  from  the  fact  that  ^^'7/^-^/ and  Pemi-el 
were  evidently  sanctuaries  of  El^  that  the  god  was 
native  among  the  Canaanites  and  was  adopted  by  the 
Israelites  after  the  conquest.  If  so,  ^/ soon  became  so 
thoroughly  naturalized  in  Israel,  (as  the  many  proper 
names  of  which  it  forms  a  part  show),  as  to  be  practically 
a  native  Israelitish  deity.  His  original  characteristics 
as  an  individual  deity  are  hopelessly  lost  to  us. 

In  form  El  is  identical  with  the  Assyrian  ////.  //«, 
however,  seems  never  to  have  been  used  of  a  specific 
deity  so  far  as  we  can  tell  from  the  literature,  but  always 
as  a  generic  term.  On  the  other  hand  it  would  seem  that 
in  Canaan,  in  the  most  ancient  times  known  to  us.  El 
was  a  specific  deity  and  Eloali  the  generic  term,  this 
latter  developing  in  course  of  time  into  Eloliini.  In 
Old  Testament  times,  as  already  stated,  El  became  a 
generic  term,  and  also  appears  as  such  in  several  Phoe- 
nician inscriptions  of  rather  late  date.* 

*  See  C.  L  S.,  119,  2  ;  257,  4 ;  258,  4-5  ;  259,  3 ;  377,  4,  6  ;  378,  3- 


NATIVK   ISRAELITISH   DEITIES.  99 

ELYON. 

This  word  occurs  in  Genesis  xiv.  18,  as  an  epithet  of 
EI,  in  Ps.  vii.  18,  as  an  epithet  of  Yahwe,  and  in  Ps, 
Ivii.  3,  as  an  epithet  of  Eldhhn.  It  also  occurs  alone  as 
a  name  for  God  or  Yahwe  in  Ps.  ix.  3  and  xxi.  8.  The 
word  seems  to  be  from  the  root  ''aid,  "high,"  and  we 
should  be  inclined  to  regard  it  merely  as  an  epithet  did 
not  Philo  of  Biblos  mention  a  deity  Elyon.  ('E/.^m-  i^alov- 
iiu'oq  "rftcTTog.  See  Eusebius,  Praep.  Evajtg.,  I.,  10,  14). 
This  may  be  sufficient  evidence  that  in  Phoenicia  in 
later  times  there  was  a  god  Elyon.  This  opens  before 
US  two  alternatives,  either  of  which  are  possible.  Elyon 
may  have  been  in  ancient  times  merelj'an  epithet,  freely 
applied  to  various  deities,  and  developed  in  Phoenicia  at 
a  later  period  into  a  separate  god,  or  it  may  have  been 
an  old  deity  among  both  Hebrews  and  Phoenicians,  and 
have  been  so  early  identified  by  the  Hebrews  with 
Yahwe,  that  in  the  literary  period  the  name  survived 
merely  as  an  epithet.  The  absence,  however,  of  proper 
names  among  either  Israelites  or  Phoenicians  in  which 
Elyon  is  one  element,  seems  to  incline  the  scale  rather 
to  the  side  of  the  former  alternative,  viz.,  that  'K/w'v 
among  the  Phoenicians  arose  from  the  deification  of 
what  originally  was  a  mere  epithet. 

SHADDAI. 

Shaddai,  usually  rendered  "Almighty,"  is  an  old 
Hebrew  divine  name.  It  occurs  frequently  alone,  as  in 
Num.  xxiv.  4,  frequently  as  an  epithet  oi  EI,  as  in  Gen. 
xlviii.  4,  and  in  Old  Testament  times  was  identified 
with  Yahwe  as  is  shown  in  Gen.  xvii.  i.  The  occur- 
rence of  Shaddai  2iS  an  element  in  proper  names,  as  in 


lOO  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

Ainmi-sliaddai^'  ("My  kindred  is  Shaddai"),  Sziri- 
shaddai-\  ("My  rock  is  Shaddai"),  and  Sh^de-urX 
("Shaddai  is  light"),  would  seem  to  be  evidence  that 
there  was  once  a  time  when  Shaddai  was  a  separate 
deity,  Shaddai  occurs  alone  as  a  divine  name  in  the 
blessing  of  Jacob  (Gen.  xlix.  25)  one  of  the  oldest  of  the 
extant  Israelitish  poems,  and  in  Exodus  vi.  3,  the  fath- 
ers are  said  to  have  worshipped  Yahwe  under  the  name 
El  Shaddai.  Further  proof  of  the  antiquity  of  the  name 
is  found  in  Job,  where  it  occurs  as  a  divine  name  more 
than  thirty  times,  x'llthough  the  book  of  Job  dates  pro- 
bably from  the  exile  or  a  time  just  subsequent,  neverthe- 
less as  poetry  prefers  archaic  forms,  its  use  of  Shaddai  is 
evidence  of  the  early  date  at  which  that  name  became 
current  in  Israel. 

To  determine  the  character  of  Shaddai  as  a  separate 
deity  is  a  difficult  matter.  Some  help  might  be  ex- 
pected from  the  etymology  of  the  word,  but  unfortu- 
nately that  is  at  present  undetermined.  It  used  to  be 
connected  with  the  Arabic  root  shadda^  "strong,"  but 
in  1883,  Professor  Fred.  Delitzsch,  in  his  Hebreiv  Lan- 
guage^ p.  48,  n.,§  connected  it  with  the  Assyrian  sadie^ 
which  he  thought  was  defined  in  V.  R.  28,  82,  as  sahu, 
"to  be  high."  This  is  very  doubtful  as  the  reading  is 
as  Jensen  has  pointed  out,  sahu,  and  not  sahu.  Halevy, 
(Z.  A".,  II.,  105-107),  Jensen  (Z.  A.,  Vol.  I.,  p.  251),  and 
Noldehe  (Z.  D.  M.  G.,  Vol.  XL.,  p.  735  sq.),  unite  in 
declaring  Delitzsch's  verb  stem  sadii  impossible,  though 
neither  of  them  has  a  more  satisfactory  etymology  to 
offer.  Notwithstanding  this  there  is,  as  my  friend  Pro- 
fessor Hilprecht  suggests  to  me,  much  to  be  said  in  favor 

*Nuti].  i.  12;  ii.  25.         fNum.  i.  6;  ii.  12.         J  Num.  i.  5;   ii.  10. 
I  Cf.  also  his  Prologomeita,  p.  96. 


NATIVE   ISRAEUTISH    DEITIES.  lOI 

of  such  a  stem.  K  and  k  are  constantly  expressed  in 
Assyrian  by  the  same  sign,  as  every  Assyriologist  knows. 
The  preposition  'sud^^  which  occurs  frequently  in  such 
expressions  as  Hani  sii-iid  sanii  irsitim  {e.  g.^  V.  R.,  I., 
86),  and  in  such  words  as  sudsakii  seems  to  be  best 
explained  from  this  root.  The  word  sadn,  mountain, 
would  also  seem  to  demand  such  a  root  for  its  explana- 
tion. Should  we  admit,  however,  that  a  verbal  root 
sadii  is  not  yet  absolutely  established,  the  fact  remains 
that  Shaddai  seems  to  be  connected  with  the  Assyrian 
^adu^  "mountain." 

YidX^vy  QOX\]QQ.\.wx^'s,  {Rccherches  Biblicpics^  p.  52),  th^t 
Shaddai  may  be  an  archaic  form  for  shade  =  'sddu, 
"mountain,"  and  that  our  form  may  mean  "'dv^eU'er 
on  the  mountain."  This  conjecture  probably  points  in 
the  right  direction,  even  if  we  admit  Delitzsch's  verb 
stem  sadii.  The  "inhabitant  of  the  mountain"  would 
easily  become  "the  mighty  one"  or  "the  almighty 
one,"  in  consequence  of  the  fixedness  of  the  moun- 
tain and  the  impregnable  character  of  the  sanctuary. 
To  this  conjecture  the  name  Suri-shaddai  ("my  rock 
is  Shaddai"),  as  well  as  the  later  use  of  siiri  as  an 
epithet  of  Yaliwe  in  Ps.  xviii.  2,  xxxi.  3,  and  2  Sam. 
xxii.  2,  would  add  strength.  It  may  be  then  that  Shad- 
dai-was  originally  a  mountain  deity,  worshipped  on  the 
top  of  Carmel  or  some  other  mountain,  as  Livy  says 
Poeninus  was  worshipped  on  the  summit  of  one  of  the 
Alps.     (vSee  Bk.  xxi.,  ch.  xxxviii.). 

The  frequency  of  the  combination  El  Shaddai  in  the 
Old  Testament  would  indicate  that  Shaddai  was  first 
identified  with  E/^  and  then  both  with  Yaliwe. 

*  Cf.  Delitzsch  in  Zeitschrift fiir  Keilschriftforschung,  XL,  289. 


I02  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB, 

If  our  conjecture  as  to  the  origin  of  Shaddai  be  cor- 
rect, not  only  the  necessities  of  a  rapidly  growing  mon- 
otheism, and  the  appropriateness  of  the  term  "Al- 
mighty" to  a  god  who  now  stood  alone,  but  the  very 
nature  of  Shaddai\  would  facilitate  the  identification 
with  Yahwe.  Yahwe  too  originally  had  his  home  in  a 
mountain — Horeb,  as  we  have  already  seen — so  that  the 
two  may  have  been  really  kindred.  This  hypothesis 
cannot  be  proved  at  present,  but  does  not  from  what  is 
now  known  seem  improbable. 

ba'al. 

Ba^al'-Mvas  in  ancient  times  in  Israel  an  epithet  of 
Yahwe;  ^This  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  Gideon  was 
c'alled' Yerubba'al,  and  that  Saul  and  David,  each  a  faith- 
ful Yahwe  worshipper,  named- sons  Ish-ba'al,  "Ba'al's 
man,"  Meriba'al,  "Ba'al's  warrior,"  and  Be'elyada', 
"Ba'al  knows."  Indeed,  as  Wellhausen  has  pointed 
out,  Yerubba'al,  by  all  Semitic  analogy,  must  have  been 
Gideon's  original  name,*  while  Gideon,  "the  tree- 
feller,"  a  designation  for  a  warrior  like  our  "Ironsides," 
must  have  been  given  him  later  in  life.  Further  proof 
is  found  in  the  fact  that  Hosea  in  ch.  ii.  i6,  speaking  in 
the  name  of  Yahwe,  forbids  in  future  the  application  of 
the  name  Ba^al  to  him.f 

As  ba''al^  means  simply  "owner,"  "possessor,"  or 
"lord,"  one  can  see  how  naturally  it  would  be  applied 
to  Yahwe  as  the  giver  of  Israel's  land  and  the  recipient 
of  Israel's  first  fruits.  So  offensive,  however,  did  the 
Canaanitish  ba'alini  become  to  the  pure  moralists  of 
prophetic  times,  and  so  excellent  were  the  opportunities 

*  Cf.  History  of  Israel,  p.  238  sq. 

t  Cf.  Hosea  ii.  16.    Q.i.  Journal  of  Bibl.  Literature,  VoL  X.,  p.  84  sq. 


NATIVE   ISRAELITISII   DEITIES.  103 

when  Yahwe  was  called  a  ba^al  for  the  introduction  of 
impure  rites  into  his  worship,  that  from  the  days  of 
Hosea  onward  the  name  was  suppressed  as  an  epithet 
of  Yahwe,  and  became  exceedingly  offensive  to  the  later 
Jews.  Ba''aly  then,  was  never  a  native  Israelitish  deity, 
except  in  the  sense  that  in  the  early  centuries  of  the 
national  history,  Yahwe  was  a  ba''al. 

ADON. 

Acidity  so  far  as  I  can  find,  never  was  a  separate  deity 
in  Israel.  It  seems  to  have  been  a  synonym  of  ba''al^ 
meaning  "owner,"  "possessor,"  "lord,"  etc.,  and  is 
an  epithet  of  Yahwe  from  Amos  (See  ch.  i.  8)  down  to 
the  latest  times.  As  is  well  known,  it  displaced  the 
name  of  Yahwe  itself. 

In  Phoenician,  the  only  other  Semitic  language  in 
which  it  is  extensively  used,  the  name  in  early  times 
was  simply  an  epithet,  and  perhaps  to  the  Phoenicians 
themselves  always  continued  to  be.  It  was,  however, 
in  later  times  an  especial  epithet  of  Tammuz,  and 
among  the  Greeks  as  'AcJwwf  it  became  the  proper  name 
of  that  god.  * 

The  only  thing  analogous  to  this  among  the  Israel- 
ites, was  the  displacement  of  the  name  Yahwe  by  Adon 
in  post-Biblical  Hebrew. 

MELEK. 

Melek  appears  as  a  divine  name  in  Israel  in  such 
names  7k%  Abi-nielck^  "my  father  is  Melek,"  the  name 
of  a  son  of  Gideon,  and  AkJii-nielek^  "my  brother  is 
Melek,"  the  name  of  a  priest  at  Nob  in  the  time  of 
David.     Two  explanations  are    in    this    case,  possible. 

*  See  Lucian's  Die  Syria  Dea,  passiin. 


I04  PAPERS   OF  THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

One,  that  in  ancient  Israel  before  Yaliwe  worship  be- 
came snpreme,  there  was  a  god  Melek,  and  that  such 
names  as  those  just  cited  are  survivals  from  that  time. 
In  favor  of  this  view  the  fact  may  be  urged  that  the 
chief  deity  of  the  Ammonites  was  Moloch  (or  Molok)  a 
god  identical  with  Melek  in  name.  There  is  evidence 
also  in  the  tablets  from  El-Amarna  that  the  Canaanitish 
inhabitants  of  Palestine,  in  the  15th  century  B.  C. ,  wor- 
shipped a  god  Melek.  The  names  Mil-ki-ihi^  "Melek  is 
god,"  *  A-bi-mil-ki^  "My  father  is  Melek,"  f  and  A-bi- 
sami^  X  a  translation  of  the  latter  into  Assyrian,  occur. 
In  common  then  with  their  Canaanitish  neighbors  and 
the  Ammonites,  all  kindred  peoples,  it  is  probable,  it 
may  be  urged,  that  the  Israelites  too  had  a  god  Melek, 
especially  as  we  find  his  name  used  as  an  element  in 
proper  names  by  the  Israelites  themselves. 

The  other  explanation  is  that  Melek,  "king,"  was 
only  an  epithet  of  Yahwe,  and  that  Abi-melek  was  only 
another  way  of  saying,  "My  father  is  Yahwe."  As  we 
have  already  seen  (supra,  p.  94)  abi  2iW^  akJii  ■axo.  used  in 
proper  names  to  denote  the  name  of  a  deity  not  other- 
wise mentioned,  e.  g.^  Abi-tiib^  "My  father  is  good," 
and  Abi-khail^  "My  father  is  strong." 

This  explanation  is  somewhat  supported  by  the  fact 
that  Gideon  was  a  faithful  servant  of  Yahwe  and  could 
hardly  have  named  his  son,  it  may  be  said,  for  another 
god,  and  that  Akhimelek  likewise  was  a  priest  of 
Yahwe.  Against  this  last  consideration,  however,  it 
may  be  urged  that  a  study  of  Assyrian  proper  names 

*  See  Winckler  &  Abel's  Thontofelfund  von  El  Amarna,  No.  103, 
29;  105,  II  ;  106,  6. 
t  Ibid.,  No.  98,  2. 
X  Ibid.,  No.  99,  2. 


NATIVE    ISRAELITISH   DEITIES.  105 

abundantly  proves  that  in  a  poh'tlieitsic  community  a 
devotee  of  one  deity  might  name  his  son  from  another. 

The  scale  then  seems  to  be  pretty  evenly  balanced 
between  these  two  theories,  though  in  my  opinion  it  is 
slightly  inclined  towards  the  latter. 

If  Melek  then  was  an  epithet  of  Yahwe,  it  disap- 
peared at  a  comparatively  early  period,  its  identity  with 
Moloch  making  it,  no  doubt,  very  offensive  to  the  faith- 
ful disciples  of  Yahwe. 

YAHWE   S^BAOTH. 

This  peculiar  and  oft-recurring  combination  of  names 
was  formerly  the  source  of  much  perplexity,  it  being 
doubted  whether  S^baoth,  which  evidently  meant 
"hosts,"  referred  to  the  heavenly  hosts  or  stars,  or  to 
earthly  armies.  It  now  seems  tolerably  clear  that  it  was 
the  latter.  In  Assyrian,  sabu  is  the  ordinary  word  for 
soldier,  and  it  would  seem  that  Yahwe  S^baoth,  was  the 
"Yahwe  of  war  hosts."  This  view  is  strengthened  by 
the  fact  that  we  have  a  trace  in  Num.  xxi.,  of  a  "book 
of  the  wars  of  Yahwe."  During  the  conquest  of 
Canaan  it  was  Yahwe  who  gave  victory  to  the  armies  of 
Israel,  as  Assur  was  thought  by  the  Assyrians  to  give 
victory  to  their  armies.  In  the  subsequent  wars  the  de- 
vout Israelites  felt  none  the  less  sure  that  the  issue  of 
battle  was  in  the  hands  of  Yahwe,  and  regarded  Israel's 
armies  as  his  armies.  No  wonder  then  that  Yahwe 
S^baoth  became  a  very  common  name  of  Yahwe,  and 
one  which  peculiarly  expressed  his  might  and  sovereign 
power.  Thus  this  designation  came  to  have  a  striking 
significance.  One  might  compare  with  this  the  devel- 
opment of  Ishtar  in  Assyria,  where  the  goddess  of  love 
became  the  supreme  goddess,   and   having  as  such  to 


Io6  PAPERS   OF  THE   ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

take  a  peculiar  interest  in  the  national  wars,  in  course 
of  time  became  differentiated,  Ishtar  of  Nineveh  being 
the  patroness  of  love,  and  Ishtar  of  Arbela,  the  patron- 
ess of  war.  In  Israel  no  such  marked  change  occurred. 
The  opportune  development  of  monotheism  made  this 
impossible.  But  none  the  less  did  this  epithet  S^baoth, 
represent  the  warlike  might,  unconquerable  power, 
majesty,  and  sovereign  character  of  Yahwe.  It  occurs 
most  often  in  Isaiah,  Jeremiah  and  Zechariah,  and  it 
would  seem,  was  intended  to  remind  the  Israelite  of  all 
those  qualities  in  his  God,  the  recognition  of  which 
would  strengthen  his  heart  to  endure  when  enemies  in- 
vaded and  oppressed,  and  would  assure  him  that  Yahwe 
must  ultimately  be  victorious. 

TERAPHIM. 

The  Teraphim  seem  to  have  been  household  gods 
among  the  Hebrews,  like  the  Lares  and  Penates  among 
the  Romans.  Sometimes  the  word  has  a  plural  mean- 
ing, as  in  Genesis  xxxi.  19,  and  sometimes,  though 
plural  in  form,  the  meaning  is  not  plural,  as  in  i  Sam. 
xix.  13,  16.  From  this  latter  passage  it  is  evident, 
since  David's  wife  could  pass  one  off  for  David  himself, 
that  the  Teraphim  were  made  in  the  human  form,  and 
that  those  in  David's  house  were  as  large  as  a  man. 
They  were  not  always  so  large,  however,  as  Rachel 
could  hide  her  father's  in  a  camel's  saddle.  See  Gen. 
xxxi.  34. 

Gesenius,  I  think,  first  suggested  that  the  root  of  Ter- 
aphim was  the  same  as  the  Arabic  root  tarifa^  "to  live 
in  abundance,"  and  with  this  the  late  Professor  De- 
litzsch*  and   Davies  agree,   though   Dillmann  declares 

*  Cotmnentar  uber  Genesis,  ed.  1887,  p.  395. 


NATIVE   ISRAELITISH   DEITIES.  IO7 

that  a  satisfactory  etymology  has  never  been  found.* 
If  this  be  the  origin  of  the  name,  the  Teraphim  would 
be  deities  of  household  plenty.  That  they  really  were 
deities  is  shown  by  Genesis  xxxi.  30,  where  Elohhu  is 
used  for  them.  Delitzsch  compares  them  to  the  Latin 
Penates,  who  were  gods  of  the  penes^  the  storehouse  of 
family  supplies  and  the  inner  sanctuary.  All  this  seems 
probable,  and  the  Ethiopic  root,  tai'fa^  which  has  the 
general  meaning  of  abundance,  would  coincide  with 
this  view. 

While  the  Teraphim  seem  to  have  been  household 
gods,  they  were  also  used  for  purposes  of  divination. 
See  I  Sam.  xv.  23,  2  Kings  xxiii.  24,  and  Ezekiel  xxi. 
21.  Just  what  this  use  was  and  how  accomplished  we 
have  no  means  of  knowang,  Castelle  compares  the 
name  with  the  Syriac /""r^/^/^,  "to  inquire,"  but  it  would 
seem  more  likely  that  this  is  a  denominative  verb  de- 
rived in  consequence  of  the  practice  of  divination  by 
Teraphim,  than  that  Teraphim  is  derived  from  it.  If 
it  be  objected  that  we  do  not  know  that  the  Aramaeans 
had  Teraphim,  it  may  be  rejoined  that  according  to 
Ezekiel  xxi.  21,  they  were  a  Babylonian  institution, 
and  as  they  existed  on  both  sides  of  the  Aramaeans,  the 
presence  of  such  a  word  as  f^raph  in  an  Aramaic  lan- 
guage makes  the  presumption  very  strong  that  they  had 
Teraphim  too. 

In  the  days  of  the  Judges,  the  Teraphim  were  wor- 
shipped along  with  Yahwe,  as  is  shown  by  the  descrip- 
tion of  Micah's  temple  in  Judges  xvii.  and  xviii.  This 
state  of  things  continued  down  through  the  days  of 
Hosea,  who  (ch.  iii.  4),  mentions  the  Teraphim  as  a 
legitimate  means  of  worship. 

*  Dillmaun's  Genesis,  ed.  18S6,  p.  345. 


I08  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

When  the  reform  of  Josiah  came,  however,  all  this 
was  changed,  and  the  Teraphim  along  with  other  idola- 
trous symbols  were  expelled  from  the  temple  of  Yahwe. 
See  2  Kings  xxiii.  24. 

GAD. 

In  Isa.  Ixv.  II,  the  prophet  speaks  of  "preparing  a 
table  for  Gad."  From  the  context  it  is  evident  that 
the  word  contains  a  reference  to  some  deity  other  than 
Yahwe.  Gad  then  was  a  god,  perhaps  holding  a  rela- 
tion to  the  tribe  of  Gad  similar  to  that  which  the  god 
Edom  held  to  the  Edomites.  * 

Reasoning  from  what  we  know  of  primitive  Semitic 
tribes,  we  should  say  that  Gad  was  the  old  tribal  god  of 
the  tribe  of  the  same  name.  When  that  tribe  became 
a  part  of  the  united  nation,  and  Yahwe  had  become  the 
national  god.  Gad  would  lose  some  of  his  general  char- 
acteristics and  would  become  the  god  of  some  special 
sphere  of  human  life.  That  this  was  in  general  his 
history,  we  infer  from  the  fact  that  there  was  a  proper 
name  Ba''al-Gad^  showing  that  there  was  a  time  when  it 
could  be  said  "Baal  is  Gad,"  or  "Gad  is  lord,"  and 
from  the  fact  that  the  name  Gad  came  later  to  mean 
"fortune."  In  Genesis  xxx.  11,  bdgad^  means  "fortu- 
nately!" Thus  Gad  became,  by  the  development  of 
monotheism,  the  god  of  fortune,  and  then  was  banished 
altogether. 

This  would  seem  in  general  to  be  his  history,  as 
nearly  as  we  can  reconstruct  it  from  the  few  data  that 

*That  Edom  was  a  god  the  name  Obed-Edom,  "Servant  of  Edom," 
shows.  2  Sam.  vi.  10,  11,  12.  Cf.  Smith's  i?^//^/o«  of  the  Semites, 
P-  43- 

t  The  Ixx.  renders  this  iv  tvxv- 


NATIVE   ISRAELITISH    DEITIES.  IO9 

remain,  althonj^h  the  root  GD  had  similarly  the  meaning 
"fortnne"  or  "fortnnate"  in  other  Semitic  langnages. 
Cf.  the  Arabic  ^Y?<y^7///,  and  the  Syriac  gddcV. 

Of  the  actual  worship  of  Gad  among  the  Hebrews,  I 
have  found  no  trace  except  in  Isa.  Ixv. 

MENI. 

Along  with  the  Gad  cult  just  considered,  mention  is 
made  in  Isa.  Ixv.  11,  of  "mingling  wine  unto  ]VPni." 
Again  we  have  evident  mention  of  a  deity.  As  the  LXX. 
renders  the  w^ord  by  tvxv^  it  is  also  evident  that  the  deity 
was  at  least  in  later  times  a  god  of  fortune.  The  same 
root  means  "fortune"  in  Arabic,  as  is  manifest  from  the 
use  of  niaufin^  e.  g.^  Koran  lii.  30.  Connected  with 
this  root  is  the  name  of  the  Arabic  goddess  Manat,  who 
is  generally  acknowledged  to  have  been  a  goddess  of 
fortune.*  From  a  comparison  of  the  Arabic  and  the 
connection  with  Gad  in  Isa.  Ixv.  11,  we  are  tempted  to 
conjecture  that  M*^ni  was  a  goddess — the  female  counter- 
part of  Gad.  Against  this,  however,  is  the  fact  that 
the  form  of  the  name  is  in  Hebrew  masculine.  If  M^ni 
were  a  goddess,  this  would  be  our  one  trace  of  a  native, 
female,  Israelitish  deity. f  This  cult  does  not  appear 
elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testament.  The  Phcenicians 
would  seem  to  have  had  the  same  deity,  as  the  name 
Ebcd-niciii  occurs  in  an  inscription  from  Citium  (Cf. 
Gesenius'  Scrip.  Ling.  P/iou.^  Pt.  j,  Tab.  12,  No.  12). 
Perhaps  we  should  also  compare  the  name  '' Akal-iiirm. 
Neop.  Iiis.^  33. 

*  Cf.  Wellhauseu's  Rcste  Arab  ricidcntiiui,  p.  35. 

t  Ashera  of  Jud.  iii.  7  and  i  Kings  xv.  13,  was  probably  borrowed. 


no  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

SEDEK. 

There  are  two  Old  Testament  proper  names,  which 
afford  evidence  of  the  existence  of  a  god  Sedek.  They 
are  Melchisedek  (Gen.  xiv.  i8),  and  Adonisedek  (Josh. 
X.  I,  3).  These  names,  "my  king  is  Sedek"  and  "my 
lord  is  Sedek,"  are  proof  that  Sedek  was  a  deity.  This 
is  confirmed  by  Philo  of  Byblos,  who  mentions  among 
the  Phoenician  gods  a  2i-(5i7c,*  evidently  identical  with 
the  Sedek  of  our  proper  names.  It  will  be  noticed  that 
the  Old  Testament  represents  the  above  proper  names 
as  belonging,  not  to  native  Israelites,  but  to  men  of  the 
old  Canaanitish  stock.  It  is  therefore  probable  that  the 
god  Sedek  was  not  native  among  the  Israelites,  but  that 
they  knew  him  only  through  their  Canaanitish  neigh- 
bors. Of  the  characteristics  of  Sedek  we  know  noth- 
ing. The  root  SDK  means  "just"  or  "true"  in  all  the 
Semitic  languages  which  have  it,  and  this  would  indi- 
cate that  Sedek  was  a  god  of  justice,  but  we  cannot 
attach  much  weight  to  this  as  the  divine  name  Sedek 
may  have  had  nothing  to  do  with  this  meaning.  The 
'Zv6vK  of  Philo  sounds  certainly  very  different  from  the 
Hebrew  Sedek. 

MAUTH. 

Through  Hebrew  proper  names  we  are  led  to  believe 
that  the  Israelites  had  a  god  Mauth.  These  names  are, 
as  now  printed  in  our  Bibles,  Akhi-moth  (i  Chr.  vi.  10 
[25]  and  ^Az-7naweth  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  31;  i  Chr.  xxvii.  25). 
As  it  is  absurd  to  think  that  a  Semitic  father  would  name 
his  child  "my  brother  is  death,"  or  "death  is  strong," 
if  he  thought  of  death  in  the  abstract,  we  cannot  escape 

*  See  Eusebius,  Praep.  Evajig.,  I.,  10,  13. 


NATIVE   ISRAELITISH   DEITIES.  Ill 

the  conclusion  that  these  names  are  analogous  to  other 
Semitic  theophorons  proper  names,  and  are  to  be  ren- 
dered "my  brother  is  Manth  "  and  "Manth  is  strong." 
This  conclusion  is  strengthened  by  the  statement  of 
Philo  of  Byblos,  that  the  Phoenicians  had  a  god  Mwr, * 
evidently  identical  with  the  INIanth  of  these  proper  names. 
As  to  the  character  of  this  deity  either  among  Hebrews 
or  Phoenicians,  we  are  left  solely  to  conjecture,  but  he 
was  probably  simply  a  personification  of  death. 

AB.f 

That  Ab  was  also  an  old  Hebrew  deity,  is  indicated 
by  the  name  Eli-ab^  "my  god  is  Ab,"  i  Chr.  xxv.  4. 
This  name  does  not  seem  to  be  like  Eli-athd  or  Eli-dad^ 
in  which  an  action  or  a  quality  is  asserted  of  "my  god," 
but  seems  to  be  more  like  Eli-ja^  "my  god  is  Yahwe." 
Some  additional  probability  that  Ab  was  a  deity  arises 
from  the  fact  that  abii  was  one  of  the  epithets  of  Sin, 
the  Moon-god  at  Ur,|  from  which  place  Abraham  is  said 
to  have  migrated.  This  epithet  would  very  naturally 
arise  in  a  patriarchal  state  of  society.  That  Palestinian 
society  was  organized  on  the  patriarchial  basis,  in  early 
times,  both  Genesis  and   the   El-Amarna  tablets  would 

*  Eusebius,  Praep.  Ez'ajig.,  I.,  10,  2. 

t  Siuce  the  above  text  was  written,  Professor  Jastrow  has  kindly 
called  my  attention  to  De  Jong's  '"Over  de  Met  Ab,  Ach  eiiz.  Zameii- 
gestelde  Hebreeinvsche  Eigennainen,''''  which  had  not  come  to  my  no- 
tice. As  will  be  seen,  my  conclusions  differ  in  the  main  quite  radically 
from  his.  My  fourth  statement  with  reference  to  the  usage  in  proper 
names  (supra  p.  94)  recognizes  a  fact  which  seems  to  me  to  invalidate 
many  of  De  Jong's  conclusions.  I  confess  thac  the  name  Eli-ab  is  a 
precarious  basis  on  which  to  build  the  theory  of  a  god  Ab,  and  I  put 
forward  the  suggestion  ^\ith  much  reserve. 

X  Cf.  I.  R.,  69,  Col.  I.,  1.  17. 


112  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

lead  lis  to  believe.  We  may  therefore  conjecture  that 
this  epithet,  which  possibly  originated  in  Babylonia,  was 
in  Palestine  gradually  developed  into  a  separate  deity. 
Analogous  to  this  is  the  fact  that  in  Assyria  bil^  in  the 
early  literature  an  epithet  of  Assur,  and  bilit^  an  epithet 
of  Ishtar,  became  in  later  times  separate  deities.* 

SAKKUT   AND    KAIWAN. 

In  Amos  v.  26,  occurs  a  difficult  passage,  which  all 
Hebrew  scholars  will  readily  recall. 

Ruessf  renders  this:  "  Mais  vous  avez  porte  la  tente 
de  votre  roi,  et  le  reposoir  de  vos  idoles,"  etc. 

Schradert  translates:  "So  werdet  ihr  denn  den  Sak- 
kfith,  euren  Konig,  und  den  Kewan  euren  Sternengott, 
cure  Bilder,  die  ihr  euch  gemacht,"  etc. 

Georg  Hoffmann  §  renders  it:  "Wehrend  ihr  gleich- 
zeitig  umhertrugt  (Jer.  x.  5),  den  SKWT  euren  Konig, 
und  den  Kewan  eur  Idol,  einen  Stern  euren  selbst 
gemachten  Gott."  While  the  Revised  Version  of  1885 
renders  it:  "  Yea  ye  have  borne  Siccuth  your  king  and 
Chiun  your  images,  the  star  of  your  God  which  ye  made 
to  yourselves."  These  various  renderings  exhibit  the 
difficulty  of  the  passage.  SKWT  and  KYWN  may  be 
rendered  as  common  nouns  as  Reuss  takes  them,  or,  as 
the  other  translations  quoted  would  have  them,  as  proper 
names.  In  either  case  there  remains  the  definite  refer- 
ence to  a  star^    "the  star  of  your  god."     Early  Jewish 

*  This  I  have  shown  iu  my  ''Semitic  Ishtar  Cult,''  the  publication 
of  which  has  been  delayed,  but  which  is  now  in  press.  It  will  ap- 
pear in  Hebraica. 

t  Cf.  La  Bible  in  loco. 

X  Keilinschriften  und  das  A.  T.,  p.  442. 

\  In  Z.  A.  W.,  1883. 


NATIVE   ISRAELITISH   DEITIES.  II 3 

and  Syriac  expositors  take  KYWN  as  the  proper  name  of 
a  star  and  identify  it  with  the  Arabic  kenvdn,  the  name 
of  the  planet  Saturn.*  We  now  know  tliat  kawianu  or 
kaivami  was  the  name  for  this  planet  in  Assyrian.! 
W.  R.  Smith's  objection  that  this  name  is  of  non-Sem- 
itic origin,^  has  really  no  bearing  on  the  case  if  only  we 
can  feel  sure  that  it  was  in  general  use  among  the  Sem- 
ites at  the  time  of  Amos.  I  hope  soon  to  show  good 
reason  for  making  this  supposition.  We  should  then 
probably  read  Kahvan  here.  From  the  analogy  of  the 
other  languages  the  Massoretic  pointing  Kiyyiiu  would 
seem  to  be  erroneous.  Notwithstanding  the  testimony 
of  the  ancient  versions,  therefore,  there  is  strong  reason 
for  taking  KYWN  as  the  proper  name  of  a  planet. 
Indeed  I  think  we  may  claim  the  LXX  as  a  witness  for 
this  reading,  as  'Van^hv  would  naturally  arise  through  a 
palccographical  error  from  Kahvan^  if  in  the  translator's 
exemplar  the  lower  part  of  the  K  were  erased  or  dim. 
It  seems  therefore  tolerably  certain  that  Amos  refers  to 
Saturn.  If  so,  this  gives  us  the  clue  to  the  exj^lanation 
of  SKWT.  Jensen  has  shown  that  in  Assyrian  Niiiib 
is  one  of  the  names  of  the  planet  Saturn. §  He  has  also 
shown  that  Niiiib  is  the  same  as  the  god  Anii.\\  Now 
in  II.  R.,  57,  40  cd.,  we  have  '\Sakkiit=  Amty\  The 
worship  of  Sakkut  and  Saturn  were  therefore,  as  Schrader 
long  ago  pointed  out,  connected  in  Ass\ria,'^*  and  this 

*  See  \V.  R.  Smith's  ''Prophets  of  Israel,"  p.  400. 

t  Cf.  III.  R.,  57,  66a,  also  Jensen's  k'osniologie,  p.  loi. 

X  See  Op.  Cit.,  p.  401. 

I  See  KosDiologie,  p.  136  sq. 

II  Ibid.,  pp.  136  sq.  and   191  sq. 

Tj  Cf.  III.  R.,  69,  5a,  and  Briinnow,  Cuneiform  Ideographs,  No.  11097. 
**  Slud-und  Krit.,  pp.  324-332,  and  K.  A.  T.,  442  sq. 


114  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

was  probably  also  the  case  in  Israel.  Thus  it  was  no 
mere  chance  that  Amos  mentioned  Sakkuf  (perhaps  pro- 
nonnced  by  the  Israelites  Stkkiif)  in  connection  with 
*'Keiwan  the  star  of  yonr  god."  This  Anit  who  is 
eqnal  to  Sakktit  is  the  god  who  in  2  Kings  xvii.  31,  is 
called  ''''Anam-vie/ech''''  or  "Ann  is  king."  Hence  the 
significance  of  Amos's  language,  "Sakknt,  your  king. " 
The  prophet  evidently  refers  here  to  a  cultns  which  was 
at  least  possible  in  Israel,  and  I  can  hardly  think  that 
it  was  not  already  present.*  It  is  true  that  the  account 
given  in  2  Kings  xvii.,  represents  the  introduction  of 
this  cult  into  Palestine  as  having  taken  place  after  the 
days  of  Amos.  This  has  reference,  however,  not  to  the 
cult  as  practised  by  Israelites,  but  as  practised  by  the 
colonists  with  whom  the  Assyrian  kings  re-peopled  Sa- 
maria after  having  carried  captive  the  kingdom  of  Israel. 
It  does  not  prove  that  in  some  form  the  cult  had  not 
been  practised  by  the  Israelites  themselves  in  former 
times.  In  favor  of  the  supposition  that  it  had,  we  have 
a  bit  of  evidence  in  one  of  the  tablets  from  El-Amarna. 
In  one  of  the  letters  from  Jerusalem  there  is  mention  of 
a  city  Beth-Ninib^^  (perhaps  better  read  Bcth-AnathX)^ 
the  name  of  which  is  evidence  that  in  very  early  times 
the  worship  of  Ninib  or  Saturn  found  its  way  to  Pales- 
tine. The  references  in  Amos  would  seem  to  indicate 
that  some  traces  of  it  remained  until  his  day. 

While  it  seems  certain  therefore  that  Sakkut  and 
Kaiwan  were  known  to  the  Israelites  as  deities,  there 
seems  to  be  little  or  no  evidence  that  they  were  native 

*  Cf.  however,  Driver's,  Hebrew  Tenses,  p.  167,  for  a  different  view, 
t  See  Winckler  &  Atel's  Thcniafelfund  No.  106,  15. 
%  Cf.  Prof.  Jastrow  in  Hebraica,  Vol.  IX.  p.  37. 


NATIVE   ISRAELITISH    DEITIES,  II5 

in  Israel.  The  evidence  wonld  rather  indicate  that  the 
deities  were  Babylonian,  and  that  the  cultns  was  in 
Israel  a  borrowed  one.  In  the  course  of  the  centuries 
they  probably  became  quite  thoroughly  naturalized  in 
Israel,  but  still  we  can  hardly  regard  them  as  native 
Israelitish  deities. 


A  LEGAL  DOCUMENT  OF  BABYLONIA  DEAL- 
ING WITH  THE  REVOCATION  OF 
AN  ILLEGAL  SALE. 

BY    MORRIS  JASTROW,    JR. 

The  interesting  tablet  which  forms  the  subject  of 
tliis  article  was  kindly  placed  at  my  disposal  by  its 
present  owner — Mr.  Mayer  Sulzberger,  of  Philadelphia, 
who  purchased  it  in  London  during  the  summer  of  1890, 
of  Joseph  Shemtob,  the  well-known  dealer  in  Babylon- 
ian antiquities.  The  measurements  of  the  tablet  are 
in  centimeters  1.2  (breadth)  5.9  (length)  3.2  (thick- 
ness). It  is  in  an  excellent  state  of  preservation,  the 
neo-Babylonian  characters  being  beautiful  as  well  as 
clear.  The  color  of  the  firmly  baked  clay  is  dark  gray. 
Three  nail-marks  are  distinguishable  on  the  margin. 
Evidently  great  care  was  bestowed  upon  the  preparation 
of  the  document,  which  is  an  unusually  fine  specimen  of 
the  scribe's  art.  The  tablet  itself  is  a  legal  document, 
and  I  trust  that  it  will  not  seem  superfluous  to  preface 
my  explanation  of  it  with  some  remarks  of  a  general 
character  on  the  legal  literature  of  the  Babylonians. 

I. 

The  term  "Contract  Tablets,"  so  commonly  applied 
to  this  branch  of  Babylonian  literature,  is  not  satisfac- 
tory. It  is  open  to  the  objection  of  being  too  narrow. 
In  place  of  the  term,  I  would  suggest  "legal  and  com- 
mercial documents,"  or  more  briefly,  "legal  docu- 
ments," for  such   in   the   proper  sense  of  the  word,  the 

(116) 


A   LEGAL   DOCUMENT   OF   BABYLONIA.  11 J 

little  clay  objects  are,  that  supply  us  with  such  a  wonder- 
ful insight  into  the  private  life  and  public  doings  of  the 
ancient  inhabitants  of  Mesopotamia.  It  is  estimated 
that  there  are  at  present  known  to  exist  in  the  museums 
of  Europe  and  America,  and  in  private  hands,  upwards 
of  50,000  such  legal  documents.  They  may  for  the 
sake  of  convenience  be  grouped  into  four  large  divis- 
ions: (i)  Acknowledgments  of  loans  and  of  payments. 
These  are  usually  couched  in  brief  terms.  The  sum  in- 
volved is  set  down  together  with  the  time  and  condi- 
tions on  which  the  money  is  loaned — the  usual  interest 
being  20  per  cent.  In  the  case  of  a  payment,  the  cus- 
tomary phrase  is,  so  and  so  many  minas  for  work  done, 
for  oxen,  for  goods  delivered,  as  the  case  may  be  ;  and 
occasionally  some  further  details  are  added.  The 
names  of  witnesses,  though  frequently  found,  are  not 
essential,  nor  is  the  date  always  given  ;  (2)  Memoran- 
dums of  commercial  transactions,  such  as  sales  of  fields, 
of  slaves,  of  houses,  or  exchange  of  one  commodity  for 
another.  These  are  more  elaborate  in  form,  and  the 
names  of  witnesses,  varying  in  number  from  3  to  10,  are 
attached,  together  with  the  date  according  to  the  year  of 
the  reigning  king  or  dynasty;  (3)  Contracts  in  the  proper 
sense  of  the  word,  that  is,  an  agreement  of  some  kind 
between  two  parties  in  which  the  terms  are  stated  with 
more  or  less  precision,  and  the  transaction  regularly 
attested  in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  the  scribe  as  a  gen- 
eral thing  being  included  in  the  number.  In  tliis  class 
are  to  be  ranged,  rent  agreements,  deeds,  marriage  settle- 
ments, deeds  of  real  or  personal  property,  deeds  of  adop- 
tion, agreements  between  parent  and  child  as  to  the  dis- 
posal and  use  of  property,  and — as  a  natural  development 
from  the  latter — last  testaments  and  wills.     (4)  Judicial 


Il8  PAPERS  OF  THE   ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

decisions,  including  agreements  based  on  them.  These 
constitute  perhaps  the  most  interesting  class.  After  a 
clear  statement  of  the  point  at  issue  between  two  or 
more  parties,  involving  at  times  an  elaborate  history  of 
a  disputed  piece  of  real  property  or  a  slave,  as  the  case 
may  be,  the  decision  of  the  court  is  entered  or  indirectly 
assumed,  and  in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  the  interested 
parties  concerned  bind  themselves  to  abide  by  it. 

These  legal  documents  carry  us  back  to  a  very  early 
period  of  Babylonian  history — the  oldest  dating  from 
about  2500  B.  C. — and  they  extend,  though  with  many 
gaps,*  through  the  days  of  Persian  rule  into  the  period 
of  Greek  supremacy,  down  to  within  a  few  decades  of  our  ^ 
era.  During  this  long  period,  legal  forms  and  terms  as 
well  as  formalities  continued  to  develop, f  and  one  can- 
not but  admire  the  extreme  nicety  with  which  increas- 
ing legal  complications  were  regulated.  Dr.  Peiser  has 
called  attention  to  a  series  of  some  80  tablets,  ^  all  deal- 
ing with  the  same  piece  of  real  property,  and  the  compli- 
cations arising  both  from  changing  hands  and  through 
reverses  in  the  business  affairs  of  the  successive  owners. 
By  means  of  such  a  series  we  are  enabled  to  follow  the 
history  of  the  property  in  dispute  through  a  period  of 
about  140  years,  and  it  seems  plausible,  as  Peiser  sug- 

*See  Oppert  Les  Inscriptions  Juridiques  de  I'Assyrie  et  de  la  Chal- 
dee  (VII.  Orientalisten  Congress,  Semitische  Section,  pp.  167-9.) 

Some  of  these  gaps  are  now  filled  by  the  collections  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Pennsylvania,  which  are  especially  rich  in  tablets  found  at 
Niffer  that  date  from  the  Cosssean  period  of  Babylonian  history. 

t  Meissner  and  Tallqvist  in  the  Wiener  Zeitschrift  fuer  die  Knnde 
des  Morgenlandes  (IV.,  pp.  111-130),  furnish  some  interesting  illus- 
trations of  the  changes  in  the  use  and  meaning  of  legal  terms  during 
the  various  periods  of  Babylonian  history. 

J  Monatsberichte  d.  Berliner  Akademie  d.  Wiss.,   1889,  pp.  813-828. 


A    LEGAL   DOCUMENT   OF    BABYLONIA.  II9 

gests,  that  the  entire  series  was  brouo;ht  tog-ether  on  one 
occasion  to  serve  as  the  basis  for  the  judges  in  rendering 
their  decision. 

The  indirect  bearings  of  this  legal  literature  in  fur- 
nishing illustrations  of  the  social  conditions  prevail- 
ing in  Babylonia,  are  scarcely  less  important  than 
the  direct  ones.  The  documents  being  the  outcome  of 
actual  occurrences,  offer  authentic  information  regarding 
the  position  occupied  by  the  various  classes  of  inhabi- 
tants,— the  officials,  the  slaves,  the  parent,  the  child, 
vi'oman — the  methods  in  vogue  for  transacting  busi- 
ness, the  fluctuating  value  of  property,  and  the  like. 
It  may  safely  be  said  that  when  once  the  large  ma- 
terial now  at  our  dis])osal  shall  have  been  thoroughly 
studied,  there  will  be  but  few  phases  of  public  and  pri- 
vate life  in  ancient  Babylonia,  that  will  not  find  illus- 
tration from  the  little  clay  tablets.  The  task  involves 
the  most  careful  attention  to  details,  and  it  is  only  by 
noting  all  the  points  in  each  case  as  presented,  that  on 
the  basis  of  a  clear  view  of  the  situation  thus  obtained, 
the  proper  conclusions  may  be  drawn.  Incidental  ref- 
erences will  prove  to  be  of  especial  significance  in  fol- 
lowing this  method.  Thus,  to  take  as  an  example  a 
group  of  tablets,  which  involve  the  legal  and  social 
status  of  woman  in  Babylonia,  we  find  by  an  application 
of  the  method  referred  to,  that  she  could  hold  property 
in  her  own  name,  and  that  she  could  dispose  of  this 
property.  Furthermore,  she  could  enter  a  claim  for 
payment  of  a  debt,  could  bring  suit  against  a  member 
of  the  male  sex,  and  could  receive  the  slave  of  her 
debtor  as  a  pledge.  We  have  an  interesting  case  on 
record  of  a  woman  who  acts  as  a  witness  in  an  agree- 
ment in  which  her  daughter  is  involved,  and  another  of 


I20  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

a  mother-in-law  becoming;  surety  for  lier  son-in-law  in 
a  business  transaction.  Woman  did  not  lose  her  inde- 
pendent legal  status  upon  marriage.  She  could  be  as- 
sociated with  her  husband  in  contracting  a  debt.  It 
appears  indeed  that  the  wife  could  hold  property  in  her 
name,  for  we  find  her  deeding  slaves  both  to  her  hus- 
band and  her  son.  In  the  case  of  adopting  a  child,  her 
consent  had  to  be  obtained.  True,  a  daughter  could 
not  marry  without  her  father's  consent,  but  neither 
could  the  son.  On  the  other  hand,  it  does  not  appear 
that  the  mother's  consent  was  necessary  to  the  mar- 
riage of  her  child  if  the  fa,ther  was  alive,  though  in  the 
event  of  the  husband's  death,  the  rights  of  the  latter 
were  transferred  to  his  widow.  In  accordance  with 
this  principle,  the  widow  retains  control  of  her  chil- 
dren, whom  indeed  she  is  required  to  take  care  of  till 
they  reach  man's  estate;  and  even  after  that  time  she 
retains  a  certain  control  over  her  husband's  estate,  the 
presence  of  the  mother  being  required  in  order  to  ena- 
ble the  son  to  dispose  of  any  portion  of  the  paternal 
inheritance.  In  the  event,  however,  of  the  widow's  re- 
marrj'ing,  the  property  of  her  first  husband  falls  to  the 
sons  without  any  conditions.  Infidelity  on  the  part  of 
the  wife  was  severely  punished.  Death  by  the  sword 
was  her  fate.  Some  measure  of  protection  was  accorded 
to  the  divorced  woman.  The  husband  pays  an  indem- 
nity on  dismissing  his  wife,  the  sum  stipulated  in  one 
case  being  six  minas.  Again,  if  the  husband  takes 
nnto  himself  a  second  wife  not  agreeable  to  the  first, 
the  latter  may  resume  her  former  state,  *  and  also  receives 
an  indemnity — one  mina  being  put  down  in  a  certain 

*  This,   I  take  it,   is  the  sense  of  the  phrase,  asar  maJiri  tallaka 
(e.  g.,  Nbk.,  lor,  12). 


A  LEGAL  DOCUMENT  OF  BABYLONIA.       I2T 

case  of  this  character.  Finally,  as  a  rather  remarkable 
illustration  of  the  independent  position  occupied  by 
woman  before  the  law,  the  case  may  be  instanced  of  a 
mother  and  dau^i^hter  associated,  in  the  purchase  of  a 
slave  and  entering-  upon  an  agreement  that  the  slave 
should  belong  to  the  daughter  upon  her  mother's  death, 
and  should  not  become  part  of  the  paternal  estate. 

In  the  same  way,  by  collecting  the  references  in  the 
documents  to  slaves,  to  loans,  to  houses,  and  the  like, 
we  are  able  to  amass  facts  interesting  in  themselves  and 
of  the  greatest  import  in  a  study  of  the  social  conditions 
prevailing  in  Babylonia. 

II. 

The  specimen  before  us  belongs  to  the  fourth  class,  ac- 
cording to  the  above  enumeration,  viz.,  that  of  judicial 
decisions  or  agreements  based  thereon.  The  features 
connected  with  the  settlement  of  the  dispute  in  question 
are  unusually  interesting,  and  in  some  respects  unique. 

The  tablet  reads  in  transliteration  as  follows: 
(Obverse.) 

//  SA  hipii  kane  bitiL  ip-su 

sa  Nii7'  e-a  apil  amehi  b(V  irii  ina  kdtd 

Apia  apilsii  sa  Bel-ahe-ir-ba 

apil.Ili-ia  ki-i  bar  nia-na  y  siklic 

ribitii  [til)  kaspi  im-hii-rii  Bel-ikisa  {sa) 

ahu-su  sa  Bel-ahe-ir-ba  apil  Ili-ia 

bitii  ki-i  bit  abii-ii-tii 

u-pak-kir  -ma  kakkad 

kaspi-m  Niir-e-a  i-tir 

ii  kanaktt  sa  bit  JSliir-e-a 

ii-tir-ina  a-na  Bel-ikisa  (sa) 

id-din  ta-a-rii  ii  da-ba-ba 

sa  Nur-e-a  a-Jia 

eli  biti  it-ti 


122  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

(Reverse.) 
Bcl-iJzisa  {so)  ia-a-nit 

ina  ka-nak  duppi  sii-a-tim 

mahar  Nergal-nballit  {if)  amehi  Pa-se  (ki) 

inahar  Nabu-ib-ni  apil  Bel-nap'sdte 

Babil-d  apil  amelu  sangu  Adar 

Ai'ad-Mardiik  apil  Al-pin-nii 

Sainas-iddi)i7ia  {na)  apil  amelii  bel  abiilli 

Nabu-bel-^sii-mL  apil  Bel-nap^sdte 

E-7'ib{f)-su  apil  ajtielu  bcVifii 

Nabii-ikisa  (sa)  apil  amelu  re^ii  alpi 

ii  anieht  diip-sar  sa-iir  duppi 

Marduk-ah-a-ni  apil  sangu  Rafninami 

Babili{ki)  ai'ah  Nisan  fwui  i8  {kaii) 

sattiL  6  {kail)  Kan-dal-a-ni  sar  Babili  {ki) 

su-piir  Nur-e-a  mar  bd'iru 

kinia  kiumkisn.  * 

I  translate  as  follows: 

Eleven  SA  and  no  "reeds,"  a  productive  property 
which  Nurea  son  of  the  fisherman  purchased  from  the 
Apia  the  son  of  Bel-ahe-irba^  son  of  Ili-ia  at  the  rate  of 
yi  mina  7^  shekels  of  silver. 

Bel-ikrsa  the  brother  of  Bel-ahe-irba  son  of  Ili-ia 
claimed  the  property  as  a  paternal  property,  and  Nurea 
having  been  paid  back  his  capital,  and  having  surren- 
deren  the  deed  of  the  house  and  given  it  to  Bel-ikisa^ 
there  shall  not  be  any  further  claim  on  the  part  of  Nurea 
against  Bel-ikisa  for  that  house. 

By  this  document  sealed  in  the  presence  of 
Nergal-uballit  of  Pase 
Nabu-ibui  the  son  of  Bel-napsdie 
Babild  the  son  of  the  priest  of  Adar 

*  Written  IM  DUP  as  in  Peiser  Babylouische  Vertraege,  No.  116. 


A    LEGAL   DOCUMENT   OF   BABYLONIA.  I23 

Arad-Mardnk  the  son  of  Aipimni 
Sama^'iddiuna  the  son  of  the  gate-keeper 
Nabii-bcl-sunie  the  son  of  Bel-napslte 
Erib'sii  the  son  of  the  fisherman 
Nabii-ikisa^  the  son  of  the  ox-herd 
and  the  scribe,  the  writer  of  the  tablet 
Mardiik-aha-ni  the  son  of  the  priest  of  Ramman 
Babylon,  month  of  Nisan,  i8th  day 
6th  year  of  Kandalanu,  King  of  Babylon, 
Nail  mark  of  Nurea  son  of  the  fisherman,  in  place  of 
his  seal. 

Before  taking  up  the  interpretation  of  the  docnment, 
it  will  be  necessary  to  discnss  a  number  of  terms  occur- 
ring in  it. 

The  first  line  presents  a  real  difficulty,  owing  to  a 
term  that  appears  here  for  the  first  time  in  a  legal  docu- 
ment, so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  ascertain.  I  refer 
to  the  sign  preceding  the  ideogram  GI.  The  latter 
which  is  the  equivalent  of  the  land  measure  kanu  * 
"reed"  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in  connection  with  a 
bitit  ipsu  as  here  (e.  g.  Peiser  Babyl.  Vertr.  No.  XCIV. 
and  CXVII.  Nab.,  85,  i,  356,  6  sc)  and  in  all  cases  the 
notation,  whatever  it  be,  is  joined  directly  to  the  meas- 
ure. The  number  11  therefore,  cannot  belong  to  GI. 
In  view  of  this,  it  will  be  admitted  that  SA  in  this  line 
cannot  be  anything  else  but  the  measure,  which  as 
Oppert  first  showed,  is  equivalent  to  2  Gl.f  Its  use, 
especially  at  the  beginning  of  a  tablet,  is  exceptional, 
the  GI  being  ordinarily  the  highest  measure  employed.  J 

*GI  as  ideogram  is  evidently  to  be  deduced  from  kanu,  in  accord- 
ance with  Halevy's  "acrologistic  "  theory. 

fcf.  Peiser  Keils.  Actenst,  p.  91.     Raby.  Vert.,  p.  236. 

Je.  g.  Peiser  B.  V.  CXVII.,  Nab.  No.  85  etc.  May  SA  perhaps  be 
connected  with  Hebrew  ScCi  ? 


124  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

For  examples  of  SA  see  Peiser  Keils.  Act.,  No.  III. 
and  B.  V.,  No.  XCIV,  and  CXVIII.  Moreover,  the 
standard  according  to  which  property  was  sold,  was  in- 
variably the  GI,  and  even  when  as  in  B.  V.  No.  XCIV, 
the  SA  is  introduced,  the  rate  of  sale  (1.  13)  is  given 
according  to  }4  SA,  i.  e.  one  GI.  The  use  of  SA  as  a 
double  GI  reminds  one  of  kasbu  as  the  "double  hour," 
but  whatever  its  origiu  may  be,  it  is  quite  natural  that 
as  a  standard  it  should  have  fallen  into  disuse.  We  may, 
therefore,  assume  that  in  our  document  likewise  the 
rate  of  2iiyi  shekels  is  according  to  the  GI  and  not  the 
SA.  So  much  being  clear,  the  reason  for  the  introduc- 
tion of  GI,  depends  of  course  on  the  meaning  of  the 
sign  preceding.  In  the  Syllabary  II.  R.,  27,  No.  2, 
there  is  a  passage  which  bears  directly  on  the  point  in- 
volved. 

Lines    55-58,    left-hand    column,    the    word   hipii   is 
found,  the  general  sense  of  which  is  to  "destroy."     In 
the  left-hand  column  three  ideographic  equivalents  are 
given,  together  with  specifications,  as  follows  : 
//  S5-      TIR=hipu 

^6.  GAZ=h2pj{  sa  ekU^npii  of  tlie  field 
SI.  AK  A  K  *  =lnippu  sa  GI=lnpiL  of  the  ''  reed ' ' 
The  second  of  these  signs  is  the  same  as  in  our  tablet, 
and  the  specification  in  this  case  means  that  the  stem 
hipti  has  a  meaning  which  may  be  applied  to  a  "field  ;" 
and  correspondingly,  the  double  AK  means  hipii.^  said  of 
a  reed.  There  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  the 
latter  is  the  sense  in  which  hipti  (or  the  piel  of  it,  hiippii) 
is  used  in  our  document.  As  for  the  rather  curious  in- 
terchange, GAZ  being  used  in  our  document  with  GI, 

*  A  gloss  informs  us  that  the  double  sign  is  to  be  read  "sa  sa. 


A    LEGAL    DOCUMENT   OF    BABYLONIA.  1 25 

whereas  in  the  syllabary  the  sign  is  brouf^ht  in  connec- 
tion with  "field,"  there  are  two  explanations  possible, 
either  that  GAZ  and  AK  AK  are  nsed  interchangeably 
for  either  sense  of  hipii^  or  the  scribe  has  confused  "ekli  " 
with  GI  and  their  position  should  be  reversed.  I  am 
strongly  inclined  to  the  latter  alternative,  for  to  judge 
from  other  instances,  when  three  equivalents  for  a  stem 
are  given  in  a  syllabary,  three  different  meanings  of  the 
stem  are  intended.  The  Inpii  when  nsed  of  "field" 
must  be  distinct  from  hipii  when  used  of  a  "reed  ;"  and 
since,  in  our  document,  GAZ  is  connected  with  GI,  it  is 
the  hipii  of  1.  57  and  not  that  of  1.  56  for  which  GAZ  is 
the  ideographic  equivalent.  In  further  support  of  this 
supposition,  the  Talmudic  usage  of  the  Piel  form  of  hapd 
ma)-  be  instanced,  namely,  the  "harrowing"  of  a  field 
(lit :  "  covering  up  ;"  see  Jastrow's  Talmudic  Dictionary, 
p.  491).  This  is  so  common  a  use  of  the  Piel  in  Tal- 
mudic parlance  that  one  is  strongly  inclined  to  suspect 
an  Assyrian  Jmppn  sa  ekli  to  be  the  equivalent  to  it. 
But  it  is  likewise  evident  that  this  meaning  of  the  verbal 
stem  does  not  in  any  case  apply  to  GI  as  "reed." 

Thrown  back  as  we  are  to  the  Ass)rian,  for  determin- 
ing the  specific  meaning  oi  hipii  sa  GI^  an  examination 
of  its  occurrence  in  cuneiform  literature  shows  that  in 
the  historical  and  poetical  texts,  it  has  the  general  mean- 
ing of  "destroy"  {Asitnt  I,  51;  4th  creation  Tablet 
Rev.  22  sc).  Secondly,  in  both  historical  texts  and  in 
syllabaries  the  word  Iiipi  is  a  frequent  gloss  to  indicate 
that  a  word  or  a  passage  has  been  "obliterated"  in  the 
copy  which  the  scribe  uses  as  his  model.  Thirdly,  the 
stem  is  frequently  met  with  in  legal  documents  in  the 
phrase  that  the  ?m ////?//,  i.  e.,  indebtedness  of  such  and 
such  a  person  against  a;iother  is  liipatu  or  huppa'  (Nab. 


126  TAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

311,  8;  605,  10;  NbK  42,  25;  60,  7,  sc).  Delitzscli 
(Assyr.  Woert.,  pp.  423  and  441)  renders  the  term  cor- 
rectly as  "wiped  out,"  or,  as  we  might  put  it,  "settled." 
It  is  from  these  meanings  that  we  must  endeavor  to 
advance  to  an  interpretation  of  our  term,  for  Haupt's 
suggestion  (Sumer.  Famil.,  p.  34)  for  the  passage  of 
the  syllabary  in  question,  viz.:  "cutting  off"  tak- 
ing GI  literally  as  a  "reed,"  and  not  as  a  measure, 
does  not  at  all  suit  the  conditions  of  our  document,  and 
the  latter,  moreover,  conclusively  points  to  the  use  of 
GI  in  the  syllabary  also  as  a  measure  and  nothing  else. 
My  proposition  is  to  take  the  term  as  an  indication  that 
the  notation  11  SA  represents  the  exact  and  full  meas- 
urements of  the  property  in  question.  In  other  words 
its  measurements  are  11  SA  without  any  fraction  of  a 
GI.  Hipn  I  take  it,  is  equivalent  to  our  "blank"  or 
"nought."  It  will  be  seen  that  this  use  of  the  stem 
comes  nearest  to  the  gloss  Z/?^?  above  instanced,  which 
might  with  equal  propriety  be  rendered  as  "'blank"  or 
'' di'csL''''  It  would  appear  indeed  that  this  term  //?/^z 
forms  a  connecting  link  leading  to  the  use  of  /n'pii  in 
the  sense  proposed.  Hipjt  originally  applied  to  an 
"obliterated"  passage  because  it  was  "wiped  out," 
would  naturally  lead  to  the  notion  of  "blank"  or 
*' nought,"  when  once  the  cause  for  the  "wiping  out" 
would  be  dissociated  from  the  result.  Upon  examining 
the  legal  literature  of  the  Babylonians  so  far  as  pub- 
lished, it  appears  that  the  case  must  have  been  a  rare 
one  indeed  when  the  measurements  of  a  property  were 
exactly  so  and  so  many  GI  or  SA.  Peiser  Babyl. 
Vertr.  No.  XCIV.  is  such  a  case,  and  there  may  be 
one  or  two  more  ;  but  in  the  great  majority  of  in- 
stances, the  measurements  include,   beside   the  full  GI 


A  LEGAL  DOCUMENT  OF  BABYLONIA.      12/ 

fractional  amounts  oriven  in  a))n)ialn  or  "ells"  and 
tiban  "finger-breadths,"*  In  view  of  this  extreme 
nicety  with  which  measurements  were  made,  it  would 
be  quite  natural  in  the  case  of  an  official  document, 
where  precision  was  of  course  a  pre-requisite,  to  note  the 
unusual  circumstance  that  a  property  covered  a  round 
number  of  "double  GI  s,"  without  any  fraction  what- 
soever. The  use  of  SA  or  "double  GI  "  instead  of  the 
ordinary  single  GI  as  the  unit  would  of  course  furnish 
an  additional  motive  for  specifying  that  the  property 
contains  exactly  so  and  so  many  SA  and  "oGI."  A 
modern  parallel  to  this  use  of  hipit^  would  be  our  nota- 
tion ".oo"  in  the  case  of  an  even  sum  of  dollars  and 
"  no  cents  "  or  the  English  custom  of  writing  5^;^.  o.  o. 
to  emphasize  the  even  sum,,  without  any  shillings  or 
pence. 

Passing  on,  the  proposed  rendering  for  bitii  ifsii  re- 
quires a  few  words  in  justification.  Bitii^  as  has  already 
been  recognized  by  others,  is  employed  in  the  legal 
documents  of  the  Babylonians  in  a  double  sense;  (i) 
for  a  house  proper,  and  (2)  for  a  piece  of  property  with- 
out reference  to  the  fact  whether  there  be  a  house  on  the 
ground  or  not.  This  double  usage  is  co-ordinate  with 
agricultural  life.  In  the  nomadic  state  of  Semitic  cul- 
ture, the  bitu  is  simply  the  place  wherein  one  spends  the 
night.  A  permanent  structure,  no  matter  how  primitive, 
used  as  a  dwelling,  carries  with  it  the  condition  of  being 
surrounded  by  some  ground  which  naturally  becomes 
the  means  of  furnishing  sustenance  to  the  household. 
This  advance  accordingly  leads  from  the  restricted  to 
the  wider  sense  of  the  term.     The  bitu  becomes  synon- 

*e.  g.  Peiser  B.  V.  CXVII.  5  G  I.  10  uban,  Nab.,  85  ;  7  G  I  5  Am- 
tnatu  iS  uban,  etc.,  etc. 


128  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

ymous  with  "land."  The  ambiguity  which,  it  might 
be  supposed,  arises  from  this  double  application,  is  re- 
moved through  the  internal  evidence  furnished  by  the 
documents  themselves.  It  is  possible,  moreover,  to  set 
up  certain  criteria  for  distinguishing  between  the  use 
of  bitit  as  house  and  as  land.  We  find  in  connec- 
tion with  legal  documents  relating  to  real  estate  that 
either  the  measurements  are  given  in  the  ordinary  no- 
tation or  the  boundaries  on  the  various  sides  are  given; 
and  in  some  cases  both  metes  and  bounds  are  given. 
In  the  case  of  the  boundaries,  moreover,  the  descrip- 
tion is  either  complete  by  an  indication  of  the  properties 
situated  on  the  four  sides,  or  it  is  incomplete,  the  gen- 
eral situation  alone  being  noted.  Thirdly,  there  are 
cases  in  which  neither  metes  nor  bounds  are  given.  An 
analysis  shows  that  when  land  measures  are  employed, 
a  piece  of  land,  with  or  without  a  house,  is  invariably 
meant;  and  likewise  when  a  complete  description  of 
boundaries  is  furnished.  If,  however,  the  boundaries 
are  only  partially  given  or  these  are  merely  general 
indications  of  the  situation,  the  transaction  refers 
strictly  to  a  house.  Thus  to  confine,  the  illustra- 
tions to  Peiser's  Babylonische  Vertraege,  No.  CXVII, 
where  both  metes  and  bounds  occur,  internal  evi- 
dence proves  that  a  piece  of  land  is  involved  and  not 
a  house.  The  document  is  interesting  also  as  fur- 
nishing a  definite  confirmation  of  the  extended  use  of 
bitii  of  land.  A  comparison  of  1.  14  with  No.  XCIV, 
10 — treating  of  the  same  property — shows  that  bitii  is 
synonymous  with  "measurement."*  Again,  No. 
CXXVI,  with  complete  boundaries,  and  No.  LXXXIX, 
with     measurements,     refer     to     land,     whereas    Nos. 

*  Bitii  suatiin=^misihtujn  "suatini. 


A   LEGAL   DOCUMENT   OF   BABYLONIA.  129 

LVIII,  LXVIII,  LXXII,  XLI,  XLVII,  where  neither 
measurements  nor  boundaries  occur,  deal  with  house- 
rent ;  and  likewise  XLIV,  where  the  boundary  line 
on  only  one  side  is  noted,  CXXXIV,  where  the  situation 
is  indicated  by  naming;  the  street,  CXXXV,  where  two 
streets  constitute  the  description,  houses  are  involved. 
Of  course  in  such  cases  where  produce  is  spoken  of,  as 
in  No.  CXXVIII,  "bitu"  can  only  mean  "land." 
The  addition  of  "z)^^?^"  to  "bitu"  is  also  of  quite 
frequent  occurrence  in  these  legal  documents,  but  an 
examination  of  the  passages  shows  that  its  use  is  re- 
stricted to  cases  where  "bitu"  means  "land."*  It 
is  clear,  therefore,  that  any  translations  which  connect 
the  term  with  "house,"  are  erroneous.  Tallqvist's  ren- 
dering of  "angebaut,"  and  Peiser's  "bebautes,"  while 
correct  in  so  far  as  they  make  the  term  applicable  to  a 
piece  of  land,  yet  are  not  altogether  satisfactory.  It 
seems  to  me  that  ifsii^  in  accord  with  the  usage  of  the 
stem  in  Assyrian,  indicates  simply  that  the  property  is 
in  some  way  productive,  whether  by  being  cultivated, 
or  used  as  pasture  ground,  or  yielding  a  profit  in  any 
other  way,  if  such  there  be.  The  term  is  vague,  inten- 
tionally so,  and  therefore  a  rendering  such  as  "produc- 
tive," which  was  kindly  suggested  to  me  by  a  legal 
friend,  is  to  be  preferred,  just  because  it  mirrors  this 
vagueness.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  bitii  without  the  addi- 
tion of  ipsii^  is  also  used  for  land  yielding  a  profit, 
and  the  specification  bitu  ipsu  is  only  introduced  when 
special  emphasis  is  to  be  laid  upon  the  "productive- 
ness" of  the  property,  and  when  this  productiveness 
forms  an  essential  item  in  the  transaction.     Thus  in  the 

*  See  the    passages   in   Tallqvist   Sprache   d.    Coiilr.  aud   Peiser's 
Keils  Aktenst  and  Babyl.  Ver.  (index). 


130  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

case  of  our  docninent,  the  property  is  described  as 
"z/j«,"  to  account  for  the  fact  that  in  tlie  return  of 
it  whicli  is  arranged  (11.  8-9)  the  purchaser  receives  the 
purchase  money  back,  but  no  interest,  because  he  has 
enjoyed  the  profit  from  the  "productive"  property. 
Fully  in  keeping  with  this  interpretation  is  the  use  of 
the  phrase,  "" episi  sa  biti^'''''^  that  is  occasionally  met 
with.  It  may  be  rendered  as  "use"  or  "usufruct"  of 
the  property,  and  as  Bal^yl.  Vertr.,  No.  Ill,  5,  shows,  is 
considered  equivalent  to  and  offered  in  lieu  of  "inter- 
est." Correspondingly  the  expression  bihi  sitatiL  sa 
iiakaru  ti  epfsii  in  the  Berlin  Sargon  Stone  (Peiser 
Keils-Akt.,  p.  14),  must  be  understood  as  implying  that 
the  property  in  question  which  is  transferred  by  the 
owners  in  lieu  of  a  debt  is  handed  over  unconditionally, 
to  lie  idle  or  to  be  made  productive. f 

Another  point  calling  for  notice  is  is  the  manner  in 
which  the  value  of  the  property  is  indicated.  It  is  clear 
that  37 J/4  shekels  would  be  entirely  too  small  a  sum  for 
the  entire  estate.  According  to  Oppert's  calculation 
(Zeits.  fiir  Assyriologie,  IV,  p.  98),  one  GI  may  be  worth 
as  much  as  75  shekels,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  in  No. 
III.  of  Peiser's  Keils.  Aktens  (p.  91),  the  price  per  G  I  is 
(about)  35  shekels  and  again  13^  shekels  (Beitraege  zur 
Assyriol.,  I,  p.  133).  Assuming  even  that  the  latter  is 
above  the  average,  it  is  certainly  out  of  the  question 
that  the  price  of  a  large  piece  of  land  containing  22 
GI  should  be  as  low  as  37%^  shekels.  The  word  ki^ 
therefore,  must  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  "at  the  rate 

*  Nab.  232,  3.     Baby.  Vertr.  Ill,  5,  &c. 

t  Note  however  that  the  Safel  of  epuii  in  the  phrase  11111"$  pisi  sa 
biti  (Peiser,  B.  V.,  LXXIX.,  7)  appears  from  the  context  to  mean 
simply  "the  building  of  the  house." 


A    LEGAL    DOCUMENT   OF    BABYLONIA.  I3I 

of,"  and  for  which  elsewhere  (e.  g,  Peiser  ib.)  sa  occurs. 
This  would  brino;  the  full  value  of  the  property  up  to 
819  shekels.  Attention  might  also  be  directed  to  the 
phrase  bi/  abutn.  The  existence  of  the  latter  word  is 
vouched  for  by  the  syllabary  II.  R.,  33,  No.  2,  9.  Op- 
pert,  in  his  Documents  Juridiques  (p.  63),  has  already 
suspected  the  term  to  be  a  legal  one,  and  it  is  interesting- 
to  find  it  now  occurring  in  a  document.  No  justification 
is  required  for  the  rendering  that  is  proposed.  The  fact 
that  the  property  in  question  is  a  bit  abutii  furnishes,  as 
will  be  seen,  the  key  to  the  situation. 

Lastly,  a  few  words  as  to  the  notation.  Two  meas- 
ures are  found  in  the  contract  tablets  for  estimating 
the  size  of  a  piece  of  land — one  a  long  measure  by 
reeds,*  cubits  and  finger-breadths,  the  other  a  notation 
of  capacity  according  to  the  average  yield  of  sown 
land.  Of  the  two,  the  measure  of  capacity  is  the  more 
primitive  and,  presumabh',  the  older.  It  dates  from  the 
period  when  the  chief  value  of  land  lay  in  the  produce 
that  it  was  expected  to  yield,  wliereas  the  measurement 
by  actual  size  would  apply  to  the  house  erected  on  a 
piece  of  land,  together  with  the  surrounding  ground. 
That  the  two  systems  should  have  continued  to  exist 
side  by  side  at  a  time  when  the  long-  measure  might 
have  sufficed  for  both  is  somewhat  of  a  surprise,  though, 
no  doubt,  the  apparently  unstable  character  of  the  nota- 
tion of  capacity  was  as  accurately  regulated  as  the  homer 
ox  ivicru^  i.  e.,  the  "ass-load"  was,  or  as  in  our  days 
horse-power  is. 

*One  GI^7  aniniatu  (ells)  — 168  uban  (finger-breadths)=^  Sa. 


132  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

III. 

Coming  now  to  the  interpretation  of  the  document, 
the  circumstances  are  as  follows  :  A  certain  Nurea  has 
"bought  a  piece  of  land  from  Apia  and  has  paid  for  it 
in  full,  at  the  rate  of  3734!  shekels  for  the  GI  or  kanu. 
It  appears,  however,  that  Apia  had  no  right  to  dispose 
■of  the  property,  for  the  reason  that  it  formed  part  of  the 
paternal  estate.  Belikisa^  the  uncle  of  Apia,  steps  for- 
ward as  a  claimant.  A  decision  it  appears  has  been  ren- 
dered in  favor  of  Belikjsa^  and  Nurea  is  obliged  to  give 
up  the  property  and  to  surrender  the  deed  to  Beli- 
kisa.  Nurea  receives  back  the  sum  paid  by  him  for  the 
property,  but,  be  it  noted,  without  interest.  This  can 
only  be  accounted  for  satisfactorily  on  the  assumption 
that  Nurea  actually  enjoyed  the  use  of  it  from  the  time 
of  the  original  sale,  the  productiveness  of  the  property 
being  silently  assumed  or  perhaps  expressly  adjudged 
to  be  the  full  equivalent  for  the  interest.  Nurea  ac- 
cordingly does  not  lose  anything,  which  is  only  proper, 
on  the  theory  that  he  is  in  no  way  responsible  for  the 
illegality  of  the  sale.  The  deed  consists  of  the  docu- 
ment by  which  Apia  made  over  the  property  to  Nurea, 
and  the  latter,  after  receiving  his  money,  solemnly 
agrees  upon  surrendering  the  deed  to  forever  renounce 
all  claims  upon  the  property.  This  is  the  force  of  the 
phrase  so  frequently  added  at  the  close  of  transactions, 
tdni  71  dabalm  *  *  *  iami,  "there  shall  not  be  any  fur- 
ther claim."  Very  much  like  our  legal  term,  quit- 
claim.- This  is  done  in  our  tablet,  in  the  presence  of 
nine  witnesses,  the  ninth  being,  as  is  customary,  the  ■ 
scribe  himself ;  and  Nurea  imprints  his  nail-mark  (which 
is  distinctly  to  be  seen)  on  the  tablet  in  lieu  of  his  seal. 

The  case  involved  is  a  new  one.     It  is  the  first  time,  as 


A   LEGAL   DOCUMENT   OF   BABYLONIA.  1 33 

stated,  that  the  term  bil  abutie  occwrs^  and  the  tablet  thus 
constitutes  a  real  addition  to  our  knowledge  of  the  Baby- 
lonian law  of  inheritance.  According  to  the  document, 
the  son,  it  would  appear,  had  no  right  to  dispose  of  the  bit 
abutic.  Evidently  then  it  was  not  a  possession  that  his 
father  could  have  bequeathed  to  him  for  complete  con- 
trol. Now  it  is  to  be  noted  that  both  when  Apia  and 
when  Belikisa  are  mentioned,  the  name  of  Ilia  is  added. 
Apia  is  the  grandson  of  Ilia  and  Belikisa^  being  the 
brother  of  Apia's  father,  Belaheh'ba^  Ilia  is  the  father  of 
Belikisa;  and  it  must,  therefore,  be  Ilia  who  is  the  "fa- 
ther" implied  in  the  bit  abtitic.  The  property  we  may, 
therefore,  conclude  is  one  that  Belaheirba  and  Belikisa 
have  inherited  in  common  from  their  father  Ilia,  and,  as 
a  consequence,  Apia  could  at  most  have  had  his  father's 
share  in  it  and  not  full  control.  His  action  in  disposing  of 
it  is  either  an  infringement  upon  the  rights  of  the  co- 
heir, his  uncle,  or  it  is  possible  that  his  uncle,  Bel-ikisa 
was  the  sole  heir  of  Ilia,  as  his  eldest  son  or  as  the  sur- 
vivor of  his  brother  Bel-ahe-irba.  Fortunately  we  have 
another  document  which  illustrates  the  point  involved 
— the  absolute  necessity  of  securing  the  consent  of  co- 
owners  for  the  sale  of  land.  I  refer  to  the  Berlin 
"Sargon-Stone"  already  mentioned,  where  three  sons 
in  payment  of  a  debt  contracted  by  their  father,  and 
which  they  as  heirs  are  obliged  to  pay,  agree  to  give  up 
their  father's  land  {bit  abini\  receiving  50  shekels  in 
return  for  the  excess  of  the  value  of  the  land  over 
the  debt.  The  offer  which  is  accepted  by  the  creditor 
is  made  by  all  three  of  the  sons,  and  special  stress  ap- 
pears to  be  laid  on  this  circumstance.  It  is  not  nec- 
essary to  assume  that  Apia  wilfully  sought  to  defraud 
his  uncle  of  his  rights,  for  it  may  be  that  he  only  sold  to 


134  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

Nurea  his  share  in  the  estate,*  or  if  he  sold  it  in  its  en- 
tirety, was  willing  to  give  the  nncle  a  share  due  to  him  ; 
but  his  action  in  either  case  would  be  illegal  without 
the  express  concurrence  of  the  uncle,  or  rather  any  dis- 
position of  the  property  could  only  be  made  conjointly. 
This  not  having  been  done,  the  sale  is  annulled  by  order 
of  the  court.  Instances  of  such  annulment  were  not  rare 
in  Babylonian  courts,  and,  no  doubt,  in  such  a  case  as 
ours,  neither  the  express  stipulation  that  there  shall  be 
no  revocation  nor  the  solemn  invocation  of  the  gods 
against  him  who  should  put  in  a  claim — so  often  added 
to  give  greater  solemnity  to  a  transaction — was  of  any 
real  utility.  The  only  way  of  ensuring  one's  self  against 
all  possible  trouble  was  to  have  all  persons  present  who 
might  rise  up  as  claimants,  and  by  their  presence  concur 
in  the  transaction.  So  we  find  a  son  summoned  to  bear 
witness  as  the  future  heir  to  an  agreement  entered  into 
by  his  father  with  a  third  party  ;  and  again  quite  an  array 
of  relations  appear  in  another  case  and  agree  not  to  put 
in  any  claim  whatsoever  against  the  legality  of  a  sale. 
It  is  the  seller  who  takes  the  risk,  and  the  Babylonian 
law  appears  to  have  been  that,  in  the  case  of  an  enforced 
annulment,  he  is  obliged  to  refund  the  purchase  money, 
together  with  the  usual  interest  of  20  per  cent,  calculated 
from  the  time  of  the  sale.  In  accordance  with  this,  the 
purchaser  frequently  stipulates  that,  if  a  claim  by  the 
brother,  sons,  or  any  relation,  male  or  female,  of  the 
seller  be  established,  he,  the  purchaser,  is  also  to  receive 
the  interest  on  his  money.  We  have  already  seen  why, 
in  the  present  instance,  Nurea  receives  only  the  princi- 
without  interest. 

*  According  to  Taltnudic  law  this  could  be  done  if  the  propertj'  was 
large  enough  for  two  parties. 


A  LEGAL  DOCUMENT  OF  BABYLONIA.      135 

Strictly  speakins^,  therefore,  the  dociiineiit  before  ns 
is  the  statement  of  the  agreement  readied  between 
Nnrea  and  Belikisa^  on  the  basis  of  a  jndicial  decision 
that  had  been  rendered.  *  The  main  pnrpose  of  the  docu- 
ment is  to  assnre  Be/ih'sa  against  being  distnrbed  in  his 
possession  throngh  the  illegal  act  of  Apia,  The  latter, 
therefore,  receives  only  a  bare  mention.  The  property 
has  been  given  up,  and  Nurea  being  the  person  to  be 
bound,  is  called  upon  to  give  his  assent  to  the  settle- 
ment. Whether  there  was  an  additional  document  stip- 
ulating the  terms  of  agreement  between  Apia  and  Nurea, 
it  is  of  course  impossible  to  say,  though  it  may  be  put 
down  as  more  than  probable. 

IV. 

In  conclusion,  a  word  of  explanation  in  regard  to  the 
date  and  royal  name  attached.  In  the  canon  of  Ptolemy, 
Kineladan  appears  as  a  King  of  Babylonia  as  the  suc- 
cessor of  Saosdouchin.  Until  the  discovery  of  legal 
documents  bearing  the  name  like  ours  of  Kan-dal-a-ni 
(written  also  Kan-da-la-nu,  and  Kan-da-la-ni,  and  Kan- 
dalat),  the  passage  in  Ptolemy  was  a  puzzle  that  tried 
the  patience  of  scholars.  The  solution  of  the  mvstery 
is  due  to  Prof.  Schrader,|  who  starting  from  the  state- 
ment of  Berossus  (preserved  through  Alexander  Poly- 
histor)    that    Sammuges — identical    with  Saosduchin — 

*  Cf.  Meissner's  Beitr.  z.  AltbabyL  Privatrecht,  No.  79,  where  we 
have  an  instance  of  an  agreement  in  which  the  decision  upon  which 
it  is  based  is  specified. 

t  Pinches  Proc.  Soc.  Bib.  Ar.,  1882,  p.  6. 

J  Eb.  Schrader,  Kineladan  and  Asurbanipal  Zeits.  fuer  Keilschr., 
II.  pp.  222-232.  Schrader's  view  has  been  accepted  by  all  scholars 
except  Oppert.     See  Lehman  Samassumukin,  p.  6. 


136  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

was  followed  by  his  brother  Sardanapalus,  showed  con- 
clusively the  identity  of  Kineladan  and  the  famous 
Sardanapalus,  or  to  give  the  more  correct  forms,  Kan- 
dalani  and  A^urbaiiabal.  The  latter  tried  the  experi- 
ment of  giving  the  Babylonians  a  semblance  of  in- 
dependence, by  placing  the  government  of  the  country 
in  the  hands  of  his  brother,  whose  name  appears  in 
cuneiform  documents  as  Samas'siim-ukin.  It  is  rather 
strange  to  find  the  King  entering  upon  such  a  policy,  for 
several  of  his  predecessors — Sargon  and  Sennacherib — 
who  had  tried  the  same  experiment,  had  to  pay  dearly 
for  it.  Sa))ms-SH))i-7ikin  organized  a  rebellion  in  Baby- 
lonia, which  was  only  put  down  after  a  severe  conflict. 
Asurbanabal  thereupon  took  the  government  of  Baby- 
lonia into  his  own  hands,  just  as  Sargon  and  Esar-haddon 
were  obliged  to  do  before  him.  Continuing  an  ancient 
tradition,  he  assumed  a  different  name  as  King  of  Baby- 
lonia from  the  one  he  bore  as  ruler  of  Assyria.  This 
appears  to  have  been  a  concession  to  a  theoretical  in- 
dependence of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  which  was  never 
entirely  lost  sight  of.  For  the  Babylonians,  Asiir'ban- 
abal^  the  King  of  Assyria,  did  not  exist,  but  only 
Kineladan.  Official  documents  were  dated  according 
to    the  reign  of  the  latter,  precisely  as  Tiglethpileser 

III.  was  known  as  Pulu  in  Babylonia,  and  Shalmaneser 

IV.  as  Ululu.  Asurbanibal'' sr&\gn  over  Assyria  begins 
in  668  B.  C.  It  was  not  until  647  that  he  also  assumes 
the  title  of  King  of  Babylonia.  Our  document  was  ac- 
cordingly drawn  up  in  the  year  642  B.  C.  * 

*  Other  documeuts  dated  in  the  reign  of  Kandalani,  range  from  the 
loth  to  the  22d  year — the  year  of  the  King's  death  (626  B.  C).  See 
Strassmaier's  recent  publication  of  additional  tablets  of  the  reign  of 
Kandalann  in  the  Proceed,  of  the  8th  Orient.  Congress,  Vol.  I. 


f^5 


13 


^^  ^  ^  hr  ^ 


4^ 


ei  "^  i*^  "t*  d-^^ 


>4  t/} 

<1  ^ 

W  ^ 

-<  ^: 

o  '"' 

w  o 

o  o 

8 1 


A  NEW  NUMERICAL  FRAGMENT  FROM 
NIPPUR. 

BY   H.   V.   HILPRECHT. 

In  his  "  Assyriologische  Miscellen"  {Erste  Reihe : 
I. -III.)*  p.  193  fF.,  Delitzsch  discusses  the  numerical 
fragment  K.  2014, f  known  through  Schrader's^.  B.  K.^ 
p.  237,  and  places  it  in  its  proper  light.  Simultane- 
ously with  the  printing  of  that  essay,  in  the  course  of 
my  work  on  the  Nippur  tablets,  I  came  across  a  small 
brown  clay  fragment,  measuring  6.65  cm.  in  its  longest, 
and  3.5  cm.  in  its  widest  part.  On  both  sides,  the  tab- 
let— to  which  I  gave  the  number,  Ni.  1893 — shows 
remains  of  lines  of  cuneiform  writing  in  Neo-Babylonian 
characters.  Although  apparently  only  the  portion  of  a 
so-called  "contract  tablet,"  it  derives  especial  import- 
ance from  the  fact  that  it  contains  several  Assyrian 
numerals  in  phonetic  writing  which  up  to  the  present 
had  not  been  found  elsewhere. 

As  an  exact  reproduction  of  the  fragment  will  appear  in 
one  of  the  forthcoming  volumes  of  my  series  of  Cuneiform 
Texts^  Riving  the  results  of  the  Babylonian  Expedition 
of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  I  shall  confine  myself 
here  to  a  short  description  of  what  is  essentially  new  in 
the  fragment.     The  obverse  alone  needs  to  be  considered 

*  Reprint  from  the  Berichte  d.  Philolog.-Histor.  Classe  d.  K.  S. 
Gesell.  d.   Wiss.,  8  Juli.,  1893. 

t  Bezold,  Catalogue  of  the  Cuneiform  Tablets  in  the  Kouyunjik  Col- 
lection of  the  British  Museum,  I.,  p.  385. 

(137) 


138  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

for  our  purposes.  In  its  fragmentary  condition  it  con- 
sists of  two  columns.  Of  the  left-hand  column  only  a 
few  signs  at  the  end  of  the  first  seven  lines  are  preserved, 
namely:  l.i:  ME;  I.2:  A-AN;  I.3:  P«"/  I.4:  IP'^";  I.5: 
IIP""/  1.6  and  7,  merely  kan  or  remains  of  that  sign. 
It  is  impossible  to  determine  at  present  what  may  have 
stood  at  the  beginning  of  these  single  lines.  At  all 
events  the  right-hand  column  makes  it  probable  that  the 
numerical  signs  followed  by  kati  continued  in  uninter- 
rupted succession,  at  least  till  IX,  and  perhaps  still 
further. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  right-hand  column, 
which,  among  other  things,  contains  the  masculine  or 
feminine  forms  of  the  Babylono-Assyrian  cardinal  num- 
bers, is  only  preserved  up  to  the  numeral  VIII  or  IX. 
Of  course  there  is  still  a  possibility  that  the  remaining 
portions  of  the  tablet  may  be  found  among  the  frag- 
ments not  yet  cleaned,  or  may  be  furnished  by  the  ex- 
cavations continued  with  such  success  at  Nippur, 

I  need  not  stop  to  consider  the  numerals  I  to  V,  since 
such  forms  as  seh'sn^  ii'bit^  hamilti^  have  been  known 
for  some  time.  For  number  II,  we  find  instead  of 
the  usual  ^sind.,  si-nu-ti=sinti.^  The  numerals  VI-IX, 
appear  as  follows: 


1.  8 
1.  9 
1.  10 
1.  II 


SIS  sit-ti 
sib- it 
sa-maii-ti 
\ti\I'^-ti 


*  Scarcely  to  be  regarded  as  the  ordinal  iiumber=ja;»J.  The  fem- 
inine of  the  numeral  II,  which  Delitzsch  omits  in  his  enumeration, 
Assyr.  Gram.,  \  75,  is  found  in  Strassniaier,  Nabonidus,  258,  12  :  11-//, 
i.  e.,  sinit. 

t  Cf.  Bruennow,  A  Classified  List,  No.  i486. 


A   NI<:W  NUMERICAL   FRAGMENT   FROM    NIPPUR.     I39 

The  last  line  may  doubtless  be  completed  to  ///-//, 
the  traces  pointing  to  this  character,  and  there  being 
only  space  for  one  character  between  the  ruling  at  the 
edge  and  the  break.  Tilti  or  tHti=  testis  tcsiii=  tis- 
sati=iis' ati\  is  therefore  the  form  y? 7(7///.  The  well- 
known  form  ii-sii  on  the  other  hand  is  a  formation 
fi^'ilht.'^  In  the  case  of  the  numeral  VII  there  are  also 
two  complementary  formations  of  the  feminine  occurring 
side  by  side,  as  will  be  shown  below.  The  masculine 
form  for  IX  is,  as  Delitzsch  has  already  correctly  put  it, 
ti-su,  i.  e. ,  i'tSH  {^t!ssii=^tiT ti). 

The  number  sai>idiih'^=V\\l  appears  here  for  the  first 
time.  It  coincides  fully  (especially  when  ending  in  «  = 
samdnta)  with  the  Ethiopic  accusative  form  samanta.'\ 
From  the  feminine  form  the  masculine  samdnu  may  be 
readily  deduced.     Cf.  also  Bezold,  Oriental  Diplomacy^ 

§  32- 

It  is  interesting  to  note  the  feminine  form  sibti  or 
sebii  by  the  side  of  the  one  hitherto  known  sebitti.X  Just 
as  in  the  case  of  the  numeral  IX,  so  we  have  for  VII  two 
distinct  formations,  y^V/z///  andyrt'/?////,  i.  e.,  on  the  one 
hand  schii^=^scbi{d)ti^^sdbatu^=sabbaiii^:=sab'' atii^  on  the 
other  sibitti  or  sebitii=sebaiii=saba'' h'.\\  The  corres- 
ponding masculine  si-ba^  i.  e.,  scba\\  was  previously 
known. 

*  Cf.  Delitzsch,  Assyr.  Gravi.,  ibid. 

t  Occurring  at  a  late  period,  though  in  reality  a  more  primitive  form, 
from  which  the  customary  saniajita  was  deduced  according  to  the 
Ethiopic  Phonetic  Laws.  By  the  side  of  the  latter  we  also  find  the 
older  samaulta  (ace),  cf.  Praetorius,  Aelhiopische  Cramniatik^  W  135  , 
136  and  15. 

JCf.  Delitzsch  Assyr.  Cram.,  ibid. 

II  Delitzsch,  ibid.,  ^65,  6,  Anmerkung. 


140  PAPERS   OF  THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

The  feminine  form  of  the  numeral  VI  sissitti  is  ab- 
normal. The  shortened  form  sis-sit  is  found,  82,  7-14, 
864,  col.  Ill,  14  ab.  (Meissner,  Z.  A.,  VII,  pp.  28  and 
20,  and  the  same  author's  De  servittite  Babylonico- 
Assyriaca^  p.  6).  The  passag-e  reads :  VI,  gin  guskiji 
ni-lal-e^sts-sit  sik-lu  kaspii  i-sak-ka/^  "six  shekels  of 
silver  shall  he  pay."  Inasmuch  as  the  Assyrian  stem 
for  the  word  is  s-d-s^'^  we  should  have  expected  a  form 
sidsati=zS2ssa{i)fi^  which,  indeed,  Bertin,  in  his  Assyro- 
Babylonian  grammar,  p.  34,  adopts.  The  form  sissitii 
can  only  be  accounted  for  as  a  secondary  formation  due 
to  analogy  and  arising  under  the  influence  of  the  form 
fi'iltn^  which,  as  it  appears,  was  predominantly  employed 
in  numerals  such  as  sebitti^  tisitti  (cf.  also  sinitti^  pro- 
bably pronounced  thus)  and  irbitti.  In  other  words, 
just  as  the  stem  s-d-'s  becoming  through  dissimilation 
s-d-s  (but  cf.  the  ordinal  si-is-si  and  the  cardinal  si-ib-i 
or  si-bi  in  Bezold,  Oriental  Diplomacy^  §  32),  led  to  pro- 
nouncing "seven"  and  "eight"  as  a  rule  with  initial 
s^  so  conversely  the  feminine  forms  like  sebitti  and 
ttsitti  {hy  the  side  of  sebfi  Sind.  tcs/i  or  telti)  superinduced 
sissitti  as  the  feminine  formation  for  "six."  The  mas- 
culine form  must  have  been  sishf  in  Assyrian,  conform- 
ably to  the  Semitic  ground-form  sidt/i;f  and  sissn  again 
would,  in  appearance  and  pronunciation,  be  identical 
with  the  cardinal  of  six,  inasmuch  as  the  latter  appears 
as  sadtisuX=zsadsii^=sedsu^=sessH  (written  sissu). 

*  Delitzsch,  j'bid.,  §75,  and  Assyriologische  Miscellen,  p.  196. 
f  Noeldeke  Die  Seniitischen  Spracheii,  p.  7,  Anmerk  i. 
X  Fa'ul  in  Assyrian  in  accordance  with  Delitzsch,  Assyr.   Gram.., 
\  76,  close. 


THE  HOLY  NUMBERS  OF  THE  RIG- VEDA. 

BY    EDWARD    WASHBURN    HOPKINS. 

[For  further  details  than  are  given  in  this  paper,  and  for  the  ques- 
tions of  the  Indo-Semitic  Duodecimal  system,  see  the  author's  ac- 
count of  all  the  Vedic  numbers,  given  in  full  in  Journ.  Am.  Or.  Soc. 
For  the  holiness  of  one  in  "one  god,"  etc.,  see  a  paper  by  the  same, 
published  in  the  Drisler  Memorial  Volume  (1894),  on  Henotheism  in 
the  Rig-Veda.] 

The  most  revered  cardinals  of  the  Rig- Veda  are  three 
and  seven.  The  origin  and  application  of  these  numeri- 
cal groups  form  the  study  of  this  paper.  The  chief 
questions  involved,  are  the  antiquity  of  their  sacred 
character,  and  the  effect  produced  upon  theosophic 
speculation  by  their  employment  as  holy  numbers.  To 
give  some  examples  of  the  employment  of  each  in  turn  : 
there  are  three  heavens  and  three  earths;  heaven  is 
threefold  with  apportioned  realms.  There  are  seven 
seers,  rivers,  rays.  But  more  complex,  including  the 
atmosphere,  is  the  later  division  of  the  fifth  book: 
Three  heavens,  three  light-spaces,  three  rain-spaces,  are 
the  places  of  the  highest  gods.  The  simplest  and 
earliest  form,  as  I  conceive,  of  a  threefold  division  is 
that  of  earth,  air  and  heaven — of  which  we  have  an 
example  in  I,  95,  3:  "Three  are  the  birth-places  of  the 
fire-god,  in  air,  in  heaven,  in  water,"  where  "water" 
stands  for  cloud,  since  Agni's  third  form  is  the  light- 
ning. Important  is  one  result  of  this  division,  viz. : 
that  according  to  several  passages  the  gods  collect  in 

(14O 


142  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

threes,  /.  c.  there  are  gods  in  earth,  air,  and  heaven  ; 
although  this  is  sometimes  varied  so  that  "in  the  realm 
of  ligiit  the  gods  stand  in  threes,"  i.  e.^  in  each  of  the 
three  heavens.  Yet  no  passage  that  seems  to  belong  to 
the  earliest  period  would  indicate  a  formal  three-fold 
division  into  groups  of  all  the  gods.  Sub-divisions  of 
earth  itself  are  left  to  the  imagination,  though  a  curse 
in  one  passage  suggests  that  the  third  earth  is  super- 
imposed on  a  sort  of  hell,  for  the  enemy  is  cursed  "to  lie 
under  all  the  three  earths." 

Particularly  in  the  constant  application  to  the  gods, 
and  to  many  liturgical  reckonings,  is  three  the  holiest 
of  holy  numbers.  Three  are  the  strides  of  Vishnu 
across  heaven;  thrice  a  day,  morning,  noon  and  night, 
the  gods  descend  to  the  sacrifice  (oblation).  In  one  pas- 
sage this  is  extended  to  three  nightly  benefits  of  Agni 
(VII,  II,  3).  Even  where  the  dual  character  of  the 
gods  is  characteristic,  as  in  the  case  of  the  two  A^vins 
(Horsemen),  the  Dioskouroi  of  India,  three  is  applied, 
as  it  were  mechanically,  in  their  praise:  "Thrice  come 
to  us  to-day,  three  tires  are  on  your  chariot,  three  sup- 
ports ;  thrice  by  day  ye  come,  thrice  by  night;  when 
dawm  ascends  the  chariot  that  has  three  seats  then  give 
us  thrice  your  heavenly  refreshment  .  .  .  Thrice  ye 
compass  earth  and  through  three  distances  ye  come;  in 
threefold  way  is  the  oblation  poured  out;  thrice  are  the 
three  vessels  filled:  three  aie  the  wheels  of  your  three- 
fold chariot,  three  are  the  seats;  upon  this  three-fold 
chariot  come,  O  Agvins,  together  with  the  thrice-eleven 
gods"  (I,  34).  Though  this  is  rather  an  extreme  in- 
stance of  harping  upon  three,  it  shows  compactly  what 
may  be  illustrated  at  length  from  many  passages,  that 
three  is  a  number  peculiarly  holy  and  of  especially  di- 


THK   HOLY   NUMBERS   OF   RIG-VEDA.  1 43 

vine  application.  Compare  especially  Om=a,  ii,  m 
(See  Av.  XIII,  3,  6).  Omitting  here  a  vast  number  of 
details  (which  will  be  found  elsewhere)  I  call  especial 
attention  to  the  use  of  three  in  the  formation,  first  of 
divine  triads  and  then  of  an  early  trinity.  Agni,  the 
fire-god,  makes  a  triad  with  Soma  and  Gandharva;  he 
makes  with  Wind  and  Sun  another  and  very  important 
triad.  Of  other  groups  of  three  may  be  mentioned  the 
gods  Aryaman,  Mitra,  Varuna ;  the  goddesses  Ila, 
Sarasvati,  Mahi  (these  are  given  in  various  orders  and 
with  the  substitution  at  times  of  Bharati  for  Mahi);  also 
the  three  Ribhus;  the  three  mother-goddesses  of  Agni; 
the  three  Fates  or  Destructions  (but  this  is  quite  unique); 
"the  three  that  cause  increase;"  "the  three  fires  that 
follow  dawn,"  etc.  (human  are  "the  three  Aryan  races," 
"the  three  ages  past,"  etc.).  There  is  but  one  clearly 
defined  trinity,  interesting  as  a  prototype  of  the  later 
trinity  (Brahma,  Vishnu,  Siva),  and  that  is  from  Fire — 
Sun — Lightning.  For  there  is  a  certain  homoousian 
tendenc)',  which  leads  to  the  union  of  different  gods, 
notably  of  Agni  with  Indra  and  Savitar  by  means  of  the 
identification  of  their  respective  attributes,  flame,  sun- 
light, lightning.  Eventually  the  middle  factor,  Indra 
(lightning  and  its  spiritual  causa  viovcns)^  is  formally 
stated  to  be  the  same  with  the  sun,  and  with  Agni,  the 
sacrificial  fire. 

Almost  all  the  cases  of  threes  are  of  divine  or  ritual- 
istic application.  Apart  from  this  and  certain  rare  in- 
stances of  earth  (above),  three  is  used  in  a  superlative 
sense,  but  generally  as  the  limit  of  an  unbroken  series, 
as  "for  one,  for  two,  for  three,  or  for  many  ;"  where  it 
is  important  to  note  that  three  is  not  used  for  many,  but 
only  as  leading  up  to  it;  and  as  an  adverb,  in  the  sense 


144  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

of  "much  "  or  "very,"  though  probably  with  no  more 
evanescence  of  the  original  meaning  than  is  to  be  seen 
in  Tpi(pi?.>7Toc,  ter  felix,  etc.  In  proper  names  it  is  inter- 
esting to  note  parallels  to  T/3OTr(5;ie/iof,  etc.,  such  as  Triv- 
rishan,  Trimantu,  etc. 

In  later  literature  three  is  much  employed  in  witch- 
craft, as  in  Greece  and  Rome.  In  the  Rig- Veda  itself, 
examples  of  this  may  be  seen  in  X,  87,  lo-ii;  VIII, 
91  (80),  5-7. 

SEVEN. 

The  use  of  seven  is  not  the  same  with  that  of  three. 
The  difference  should  be  carefully  noticed.  In  the  first 
place  three  is  too  small  a  number  to  be  used  as  an 
equivalent  for  "many,"  except  in  such  adverbial  phrases 
as  "thrice  red,"  etc.,  parallel  to  ter  felix,  whereas  seven 
is  constantly  used  in  the  sense  of  "many."  In  the 
second  place  three  is  a  holier  number  than  seven. 

In  regard  to  the  first  point  we  have  such  expressions 
as  that  used  by  Indra:  "I  am  a  seven-slayer,"  /.  ^. ,  a 
slayer  of  many;  and  also  "the  seven  fortresses"  of  the 
sky  as  equivalent  to  an  indefinite  plurality,  something 
like  our  generalized  use  of  "dozen;"  though  even  in 
English  the  use  of  seven  as  an  indefinite  number  is  not 
unknown.  Compare  Shakespeare's  "a  vile  thief  this 
seven  year."  Such  also  is  the  significance  of  saptd- 
pada  in  the  phrase  "food  for  seven  places"  (/.  <?.,  many), 
which  leads  to  the  expression  "a  friend  for  seven  places'.' 
(Atharva  Veda)  i.  ^.,  in  many  or  in  all  circumstances, 
while  this  in  turn  gives  place  to  the  later  legal  term 
saptapadi^  the  bride  or  new  wife,  who,  from  forgetful- 
ness  of  the  original  meaning  and  in  consequence  of  a 
literal  translation  of  the  ancient  formula,  was  by  Hindu 
law,  in  order  to  be  true  to  her  title,  obliged  to  take  seven 


THE    HOLY    NUMBERvS   OF    RIG-VEDA.  145 

steps  around  the  altar  at  the  time  of  the  wedding  cere- 
mony. The  same  indefinite  meaning  is  to  be  seen  in 
saptd-budhna,  the  "seven-bottomed"  sea,  a  companion 
piece  to  the  Nile  fT^rappooq,  So  again  "better  than 
seven"  means  better  than  many. 

The  prototype  of  three  as  a  holy  or  at  any  rate  mystic 
number  is  given  in  nature.  There  are  obvious  threes 
all  around  us— earth,  air,  and  sky;  land,  water,  and  air; 
sun,  moon,  and  stars;  morning,  noon,  and  night,  etc., 
to  which  came  also  the  thought  of  completeness  in  three, 
a  Pythagorean  notion  exemplified  in  the  Rig- Veda  by 
the  "three  bonds"  of  Varuna,  and  in  general  by  the 
beginning,  middle,  ?nd  end  of  anything. 

Now  if  we  look  for  a  counterpart  to  this  in  seven,  we 
shall  find  only  two  groups  that  could  have  caused  seven 
to  be  used  as  it  is;  one,  the  group  of  seven  stars  called 
the  seven  seers  (compare  Latin  septentriones);  the  other 
the  seven  streams  (distinct  from  the  five,  the  Pun-jab), 
which  in  the  Rig- Veda,  as  well  as  in  the  Persian  Avesta, 
give  the  name  to  the  country.  In  many  cases  it  is  impos- 
sible to  say  whether  the  application  of  seven  is  derived 
from  its  indefinite  sense  or  from  analogy  with  these 
often-alluded-to  seven  stars  and  seven  streams.  The 
former  view  is  the  usual  one,  yet  it  seems  to  me  natural 
that  in  the  second  case,  that  of  the  seven  streams  of 
heavenly  soma  and  their  earthly  counterparts,  we  have 
only  analogy  with  the  seven  rivers  of  earth. 

Indra  subdues  seven  fortresses  (evidently  like  saptaha 
(X,  49,  8),  a  designation  of  many  ;  so  too  the  vrdjain 
saptasyani^  "seven  mouthed  enclosure,"  just  like 
£7rrd6ro/yof=f7rro;rr7or.  There  are  scvcu  pricsts  of  Agui,  but 
the  number  is  not  constant  (five  and  four  are  elsewhere 
spoken  of),  and  these  seem  to  be  earthly  equivalents  of 


146  PAPERS   OF  THE   ORIENTAL    CLUB. 

the  seven  seers  in  the  sky.  Out  of  this  conception, 
however,  is  developed  an  important  result.  Each  of 
the  seven  seers  has  his  own  path,  and  A^^ni  follows  each 
path.  For  this  reason,  I  think,  Agni  is  credited  with 
"seven  flames,"  and  from  the  theosophic  identification 
of  Agni  with  the  Snn  and  with  Indra  we  find  that  the 
beams  of  the  one  and  the  accompanying  spirits  of  the 
other  are  also  originally  reckoned  as  seven  (Compare  in 
Greek  ETTTcnropoq  of  the  stars).  As  support  for  this  inter- 
pretation I  may  adduce  IV,  i,  12,  where  the  seven  friends 
of  Agni. are  his  beams.  Apart  from  these  instances  the 
sevenfold  song  and  seven  kinds  of  music  deserve  notice, 
as  perhaps  indicative  of  an  original  division  into  seven 
notes,  but  this  is  in  a  very  late  hymn.  Theologically 
important  is  the  evident  derivation  of  the  seven  Adityas 
(later  twelve)  from  the  idea  of  the  sun's  seven  rays,  for 
we  find  them  given  as  five,  six  or  seven  (this  is  the  usual 
number)  in  exact  parallelism  to  the  raising  of  Agni's 
priests  to  seven.  And  so  later  the  priests  become  twelve, 
as  do  the  Adityas.  As  to  Indra,  we  find  his  rays  are  also 
seven,  and  contemporaneously  seven  are  his  friends. 
The  expression  saptd-ta)itit^  used  of  the  sacrifice,  "with 
seven  strands,"  is  apparently  from  the  same  source. 
Although  these  conceptions  are  couched  under  various 
metaphors  (seven  steeds,  reins,  sisters,  etc.),  they  are 
all  at  bottom  applicable  to  light-rays  alone  when  applied 
to  light-divinities. 

Other  uses  of  seven  are  rare:  most  conspicuous  are 
the  "seven  places"  of  various  gods,  and  the  therewith 
connected  "seven  mights"  (or  "seven  places,"  dhauiajii 
certainly  means  the  same  with  padani  in  X,  122,  3). 

The  cardinal  points  are  four  or  five  as  a  general  thing, 
but  once  (only  IX,  114,  3),  they  are  reckoned  as  seven 


THE   HOLY   NUMBERS   OF   RIG-VEDA.  1 47 

(possibly  on  account  of  being  grouped  with  the  seven 
priests  and  seven  Adityas)  a  view  that  prevailed,  how- 
ever, in  later  literature  (A.  V.).  I"  two  passages  seven 
plays  a  mystic  role,  but  in  the  first  only  in  conjunction 
with  other  cardinals  likewise  employed  in  a  sort  of 
hocus-pocus  (IV,  58,  3;  X,  99,  2).  In  the  second  pas- 
sage it  may  perhaps  refer  to  the  seventh  Aditya. 

Proper  names  made  of  "seven"  are  Saptagu,  Sapta- 
vadhri.  Compare  Snooks  (=sen  =  seven  oaks);  Sim- 
rock  (=sieben  rocke),  etc. 

THREE    AND   SEVEN    UNITED. 

Before  comparing  the  holiness  of  three  and  seven  it  is 
necessary  to  remark  on  the  association  of  these  numbers. 
Some  of  the  sevens  are  the  same  in  application  with  the 
threes.  Three,  again,  is  simply  grouped  with  seven,  at 
other  times  it  is  multiplied  into  seven — the  latter  case 
is  of  especial  interest.  I  begin  with  the  simpler  case. 
Three  beside  seven,  juxtaposition,  seems  to  be  the  start- 
ing point  of  the  later  union  of  three  and  seven  multi- 
plied into  each  other.  The  Agvins  come  thrice  and  find 
three  vessels  thrice  filled  with  soma-stveams  which  have 
seven  mothers  (I,  34,  8).  Varuna  rules  seven  streams 
and  looks  on  three  heavens,  three  earths  (VIII,  41,  9). 
There  are  a  few  other  similar  instances. 

THE  THRICE-SEVEN. 
Far  more  important  is  the  raising  of  an  original  seven 
to  thrice  its  original  value.  Thus  the  seven  rivers  are 
made  twenty-one  (X,  75,  i);  thus  too  the  .96'7;/«-streams 
are  trebled,  from  seven  to  thrice-seven,  and  so  also  are 
the  heavenly  streams.  An  instance  later  than  the  Rig- 
Veda  may  be  seen  in  the  Atharva,  where  Varuna's  three 


148  PAPERS  OF  THE   ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

fetters  become  twenty-one  ("seven  thrice,"  AV,  IV,  16, 

6-7). 

I  have  said  that  lliis  is  an  important  alteration  of  the 
original  conception.  The  theosophic  bearing  of  the 
change  will  occupy  us  presently.  But  first  I  would  call 
attention  to  the  aid  furnished  by  these  statements  to 
literary  criticism,  in  particular  to  the  question  of  the 
relative  age  of  certain  books  of  the  Rig- Veda.  For  it 
is  to  be  taken  for  granted  if  the  rivers  of  earth  or  of 
heaven  are  usually  alluded  to  as  seven  and  occasionally 
as  thrice  seven,  and  if  the  latter  number  is  chiefly  found 
in  later  parts  of  the  Rig- Veda,  that,  conversely,  the  rare 
occurrence  of  thrice  seven  in  passages  of  which  the  age 
is  doubtful  should  help  us  in  estimating  the  period  to 
which  we  are  to  refer  the  books  where  are  found  these 
thrice-sevens.  Now  with  two  exceptions,  all  the  cases 
of  thrice-seven  are  in  books  I,  VIII,  IX,  X,  which  from 
this  point  of  view  almost  form  a  group  by  themselves; 
since  the  two  exceptions  are  of  such  a  mystical  sort  that 
they  bear  on  their  face  evidence  of  belonging  rather  to 
the  Brahmanic  than  to  the  early  Vedic  period.  Both, 
moreover,  refer  to  the  same  point,  and  both  are  confes- 
sedly of  esoteric  darkness:  "Varuna  declared  unto  me 
the  wise  one  (that)  the  not-to-be-slain  one  (viz.,  the 
cow)  bears  thrice  seven  names,"  and  it  is  added  that 
this  piece  of  esoteric  wisdom  should  not  (?)  be  revealed 
(VII,  87,  4).  Compare  IV,  i,  16:  'They  observed  the 
first  name  of  the  cow,  they  found  the  thrice-seven  high- 
est name  of  the  mother."  In  I,  164,  3,  there  are  "seven 
names  of  the  cow,"  and  in  each  of  these  cases  we  have 
to  do  with  the  raising  of  the  number  of  the  Maruts  from 
seven  to  thrice-seven  ;  who  are  thus  described  in  an  old 
verse  apparently  added  (out  of  place)  in  VIII,   28,   5: 


THE   HOLY   NUMBERS   OF   RIG-VEDA.  149 

*'The  Spears  of  the  seven  are  seven;  seven  are  their 
lights;  seven,  the  glories  they  don."  That  this  is  the 
older  idea  stands  recorded  in  the  Revelation  {gruti') 
quoted  by  Lndwig:  "According  to  Revelation  the 
INIaruts  are  hosts  of  seven."  It  is  evident  that  the 
"lightning-handed"  Marnts  vi^ere  once  identical  in 
number  with  the  seven  beams  of  Indra's  car. 

The  first  instance,  in  order,  of  the  raising  of  seven  to 
3x7  is  that  of  I,  20,  7.  Here  "thrice  seven"  gifts  are 
begged  for,  instead  of  the  "seven  gifts"  elsewhere  (V. 
I,  5;  VI.  74,  i)  requested. 

In  the  same  way  the  "seven  secret  places"  of  Agni 
(see  above)  are  in  I,  72,  6,  raised  to  "thrice  seven." 
Again  in  a  late  and  mystic  hymn  of  the  same  book  we 
read:  "The  three  times  se\e\\  vishpu/ingakhs  swallow 
poison  and  die  not;  the  thrice  seven  peacocks  (Maruts?) 
and  the  seven  sister  streams  have  removed  the  poison" 
(I,  191,  12-14). 

Our  next  instance  is  from  the  ninth  book:  "Thrice 
seven  cows  milk  for  him,"  (IX,  70,  i)  probably  the 
thrice  seven  streams  of  VIII,  46,  26.  Again  we  find  as 
above  the  "thrice  seven  cows"  opposed  to  "seven 
cows"  (IX,  86,  21,  25). 

In  the  tenth  book  "we  call  the  thrice  seven  streams" 
(X,  64,  8)  and  "seven  fences,  thrice  seven  woodpiles" 
(mystic  application  of  liturgical  rites),  X,  90,  15. 

In  VIII,  46,  26,  (this  book  is  the  chief  point  of  in- 
terest) we  find  first  that  "  Vayu  (?)  has  tris  sapid  sapta- 
thihm,  i.  <?.,  3x7x70,  where  there  is  an  effort  to  render 
more  holy  a  phrase  perhaps  already  too  trite  to  produce 
the  requisite  effect.     Compare  in  St.  Matthew,  18,  21  : 

OL'  Akyu  aoi  hog  t:-TdKiq  cia'/J  twf  £j36o/iT/KOvraKig  £-ra;   and  lU  OUC  of  tllC 

later  gift-lauds  of  X,   93,    15;    "seventy   and  seven," 
with  the  "  three  seventies  "  of  VIII,  19,  37. 


150  PAPERS   OF  THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

In  VIII,  69  (58),  7  another  allusion  to  the  Marnts  as 
"thrice  seven;"  and  in  lb.,  96  (85),  2:  "the  thrice 
seven  mountain  tops"  are  destroyed  by  Indra,  who  is 
elsewhere  wont  to  destroy  "seven."  Bergaigne  takes 
both  VIII,  96,  2  and  I,  72,  6,  as  referring  to  worlds.  As 
is  well  known,  the  "thrice  sevens"  as  one  word,  are 
common  later  (e.  g.  in  the  Athava).  Of  this  use  we 
have  in  the  Rig- Veda  only  I,  133,  6,  and  Val.,  11,  5: 
"the  thrice  seven  beings"  and  "help  us  by  the  thrice 
seven." 

In  another  passage  of  this  eighth  book,  which  from 
many  numerical  coincidences  I  consider  to  be  in  age  on 
a  par  with  the  later  part  of  the  rest  of  the  Rig- Veda,  we 
find  the  Maruts  raised  again  to  thrice  sixtv,  VIII,  96 
(85),  8. 

THE  THRICE-ELEVEN. 

The  gods  are  currently  cited  as  being  thrice-eleven. 
In  Val.,  9,  2,  and  in  IX,  92,  4,  all  the  gods  are  included 
in  this  sum  (so  in  the  late  passage  I,  34,  11).  In  one 
other  passage  where  the  gods  "with  their  wives,"  are 
mentioned  (III,  6,  9)  we  find  the  last  mention  of  the 
thirty-three  gods  outside  of  the  group  books  I,  IX,  and 
VIII  (28,  i;  30,  2;  35,  3;  39,  9).  One  of  the  passages 
in  the  first  book  seems  to  be  peculiarly  late,  I,  139,  11, 
and  here  the  three  elevens  are  distributed  as  "eleven  in 
heaven,  eleven  on  earth,  eleven  in  the  waters"  (com- 
pare X,  65,  9),  Without  division  they  are  mentioned 
in  I,  34,  11;  45,  2  ("three  and  thirty").  In  III,  9,  9, 
the  gods  are  3339,  a  late  passage,  really  belonging  to  X, 
52,  6. 

I  shall  now  attempt  to  show  that  this  number  of 
thirty-three  gods,  which  obtains  in  the  Rig- Veda,  being 


THE    HOLY   NUMBERS   OF   RIG-VEDA.  151 

a  parallel  case  to  that  which  we  have  noticed  in  the  case 
of  the  Marnts,  is  a  development  from  an  original 
pantheon  of  ten  gods. 

Thirty-three  gods  is  an  odd  number  to  select.  What 
caused  it?  In  the  first  place,  we  see  in  several  instances 
that  groups  ate  raised  by  multiplying  with  three,  and 
as  this  has  been  demonstrated  for  other  groups  it  seems 
not  forced  to  ^ee  the  same  process  here.  Of  later  growth 
is  perhaps  the  distribution  of  the  gods  in  general  into 
groups  of  three  (in  earth,  air,  heaven).  The  same  dis- 
tribution is  found  in  the  case  of  twenty-one  worlds,  and 
of  the  Maruts,  who  like  the  thrice-eleven  were  origin- 
ally seven  and  then  thrice-seven. 

If  then  we  conceive  of  the  host  indicated  by  thrice- 
eleven  as  having  passed  through  the  same  development 
with  that  of  the  parallel  thrice-seven  Maruts,  thrice- 
seven  rivers,  etc.,  which  is  a  natural  and  justified  as- 
sumption, we  arrive  at  an  a  priori  group  of  eleven  as 
the  origin  of  the  thrice-eleven. 

Now  comes  in  play  a  curious  tendency.  The  Hindus, 
like  other  peoples,  were  very  apt  to  close  or  fasten  a 
number  by  the  addition  of  one  as  a  sort  of  head.  This 
is  the  dvoivrp'iTog  idea  (O.  T.,  581),  which  is  found  with  us 
in  the  "baker's  dozen"  of  thirteen.  In  the  North 
compare  the  Gudhrunakvidha  fyrsta:  "seven  sons,  and 
my  husband  the  eighth."  In  Greece,  compare  Alcman 
(Frg.  49): 

upag  (V  t:67)Ke  rpeXg,  Oepog 
Kal  ;i;e?//a  k'  u-upav  Tpirrjv, 
Kol  Terparuv  rh  lip 

In  other  circumstances  compare  in  the  Rig-Veda 
VIII,  3,  24:   "Drink  is  life;  clothing,  body;  ornaments, 


153  papp:rs  of  the  oriental  club. 

power;  as  the  fourth  (good  thing-)  I  name  the  donor  of 
this  horse,"  where  we  have  a  triad  increased  (as  shown 
by  the  phraseology)  by  the  "fonrth,"  a  later  thought. 
So  again  we  find  "the  seven  rays,  and  Agni  as  the 
eighth"  (II,  5,  2);  and  "seven  sons  of  Aditi  with  the 
sun  as  the  eighth"  (X,  72,  8).  Exactly  like  the  ex- 
ample from  the  Edda  cited  above  is  the  prayer  of  the 
marriage  ritual:  "  May  she  have  ten  sons,^ her  husband 
the  eleventh."  So  also  we  find  instead  of  one  hun- 
dred that  "one  hundred  and  one"  are  enumerated 
(X,  130,  i).  Compare  looi  Arabian  Nights  Tales  and 
our  popular  collection  of  loi  songs.  Now  just  as 
ekagatani  really  means  ^atdui  (this  is  quite  frequently 
the  case  in  AV.),  so  ekddaga  means,  as  it  seems  to  me, 
originally  dci^a^  or  dd^a  with  a  leader  added.  An 
humble  parallel  of  ekddaga  (ten  gods  with  a  leader) 
would  be  OL  kvdEKa  of  Athens,  i.  e.^  ten  men  with  a  cap- 
tain. For  another  case  of  thrice  eleven  evolved  from 
eleven,  compare  TS.,  i,  4,  11,  i:  "There  are  thirty- 
three  Rudras;  of  which  eleven  (the  older  number)  are 
in  the  waters."  Either  solely  from  the  tendency  to 
reduplicate  with  three,  or  from  the  later  division  of  gods 
(as  those  of  three  places)  being  united  with  this  ten- 
dency, we  have  an  original  group  of  eleven  raised  to 
thrice-eleven.  And  it  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  men- 
tion of  thrice-eleven  coincides  in  time  pretty  closely 
with  the  other  groups  raised  by  the  same  multiplica- 
tion. 

A  very  good  example  of  this  additional  one  is  given 
by  a  passage  in  which,  in  accordance  with  a  much  later 
method  of  identifying  the  gods  with  the  heavenly 
bodies,  we  find  them  counted  in  the  same  breath  as 
thirty-four  and  thirty-five,  their  leader  being  omitted  in 


THE   HOLY   NUMBERS   OF    RIG-VEDA.  1 53 

the  first  count  and  being  really  not  represented  in  the 
system.* 

If  this  theory  of  an  original  group  of  ten  gods  be 
accepted,  it  will  at  least  explain  some  very  obscure  pas- 
sages in  the  Atharva-Veda.  Here,  namely,  although  the 
gods  are  often  reckoned  as  countless  (all  groups  of  gods 
tend  to  become  greater,  e.  g.,  in  TS,  5,  5,  2,  5,  the  eight 
Vasus  become  333),  we  yet  find  a  formal  utterance  to  the 
effect  that  there  were  originally  ten  gods.  Or  how  else 
shall  we  interpret  the  statements  AV.  XI,  8,  3:  "  Before 
the  gods  there  were  born  ten  gods  together,"  and  lb.  10: 
"The  gods  that  were  born  before  the  (present)  gods  gave 
over  the  world  to  their  sons?"  The  poet  of  the  Veda 
explains  it  philosophically,  mystically.  But  to  me  it 
seems  to  be  a  bit  of  theosophic  tradition.  Moreover, 
another  point,  although  the  thrice-eleven  gods  are  often 
met  with  in  the  Epic,  yet  in  the  popular  phraseology  they 
are  consistently  called,  not  the  thrice-eleven  but  the 
thrice-ten,  trida^a,  a  word  the  difficulty  in  the  interpre- 
tation of  which  has  led  the  Petersburg  Lexicon  to  ren- 
der tridaca  as  "a  simplified  expression  for  thirty- three." 
But  here  Brahma  tridacais  saha,  etc.,  can  mean  only 
"Brahma  with  the  thrice-ten,"  where  the  head  of  the 
group  is  again  reckoned  extra.  Compare  dvidaga 
"twenty." 

There  are  enough  obsolescent  gods  in  the  Rig- Veda  to 
support  this  view — gods  of  older  dignity  than  the  pop- 
ular— Dyaus,  Earth,  Varuna,  Mitra,  Trita,  Bhaga,  Yama, 

■*Cf.  QBr.,  IV,  5,  7,  2  :  "  There  are  thirty-three  gods,  and  Prajapati 
is  the  thirty-fourth."  In  the  other  case  twenty-seven  lunar  stations 
(as  stars)  are  combined  with  the  five  planets,  the  sun  and  the  moon 
=  34,  the  real  number.  Compare  RV.  I,  162,  18,  where,  as  Ludwig 
thinks,  and  X,  27.  15-16,  where,  as  I  think,  the  thirty-four  gods  are 
again  alluded  to  (all  late). 


154  PAPERS  OF  THE   ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

Surya  the  Sun,  the  Wind,  and  Piishan  are  less  modern 
than  are  Ag^ni,  Indra,  the  Moon,  Dawn,  Rudra,  the 
Maruts,  the  Vasiis,  the  Ribhns,  the  Adityas,  Sonia-plant, 
the  Fashioner,  the  All-maker,  the  Creator,  Vishnu, 
Savitar,  Brihaspati,  the  All-gods,  the  Waters,  and  the 
host  of  lesser  mights. 

The  later  interpretation  of  tlie  "thrice-eleven,"  in- 
cluding in  its  reckoning  twelve  Adityas  (instead  of  eight 
or  seven)  is  palpably  worthless. 

I  would  suggest  in  closing  that  as  the  Navagvas,  the 
Tuneful  Nine  of  the  Rig-Veda,  may  be  associated  with 
the  Novensilcs  and  perhaps  with  the  Nine  Muses,  so  the 
Dagagvas,  decemviri,  are  not  at  first  "ten  months"  as 
will  Weber,  but  possibly  a  survival  of  this  older  pantheon 
of  ten,  named  in  bulk,  and  kept  as  a  group.  They  are 
to  the  Vedic  age  what  were  to  the  Epic  the  devds  of  the 
Rig- Veda,  the  shadows  of  departed  divinities,  the  ghosts 
of  gods.* 

NINE    AND    NINETY. 

It  is  odd  that  the  holiness  of  3x3  is  implicitly  or  ex- 
plicitly stated  as  a  matter  of  course,  while  nine  in  and 
for  itself  seems  to  remain  in  an  abeyance  of  sanctity. 
In  later  times  this  is  not  the  case.  Kaegi,  Die  Neun- 
zahl,  has  given  liturgical  and  legal  illustrations  of  nine 
as  a  holy  number  after  the  Vedic  Age,  but  in  the  Rig- 

*  As  the  seven  Adityas  were  afterwards  fitted  to  the  new  arrange- 
ment of  a  twelve-month  year  and  became  a  dozen,  so  the  twelve  gods 
(at  least  two  of  which  may  be  Semitic)  of  the  Greek  pantheon  may 
originally  have  coincided  with  the  ten-month  year  of  which  we  hear 
in  Rome.  In  Northern  mythology  Simrock  says  that  of  the  twelve 
gods  two  are  certainly  late.  For  another  passage  in  AV.  where  "ten 
creators"  are  spoken  of,  compare  XI,  7,  4 ;  and  with  this  possibly  the 
ten  in  RV.  VIL  104,  i5=:AV,  VIII,  4,  15. 


THE    HOLY    NUMBERS  OF   RIG-VEDA.  I55 

Veda  with  the  exception  of  the  Navagvas  it  is  only  3x3 
or  99  that  are  peculiarly  holy.  Nine  alone  is  little  re- 
garded. The  word  scarcely  occurs  except  as  a  factor  in 
ninety-nine.  Even  the  resultant  nine  of  thrice  three  is 
rare,  and  it  is  evident  that  the  sum  was  not  so  sacred  as 
the  factor.  Thus  in  I,  163,  4:  "They  say  there  are 
three  bindings  in  heaven,  three  in  waters  (air),  three  in 
the  sea,"  which  make  nine,  but  only  by  inference.  With 
the  exception  of  a  casual  allusion  or  two  to  nine  as  a 
metrical  element  in  a  series,  and  of  the  nine  of  the 
thirty-four  (gods)  in  X,  27,  15  (see  above)  the  only  in- 
dependent nine  in  the  Rig- Veda,  is,  if  I  do  not  err,  the 
"nine  days  and  ten  nights"  when  Rebha,  a  protege  of 
the  A9vins,  lay  in  the  water;  but  this  appears  to  have 
no  special  significance  (I,  116,  24).  Nine-and-ninety 
has  the  plain  function  of  producing  an  indefinitely 
magnified  effect,  and  the  illustrations  go  hand  in  hand 
with  the  cases  just  mentioned  of  three  times  seven. 
Thus  the  streams  of  heaven  become  ninety-nine  in  X, 
104,  8  (in  I,  80,  8;  121,  13,  they  are  ninety);  and  the 
citadels  destroyed  by  Indra  are  either  ninety  or  nine 
and  ninety;  once  nine  and  ninety  and  then  "the  hun- 
dredth" (VII,  19,  5).  As  simpler  equivalent  of  many 
"ninety-nine  strengths"  may  serve  (X,  49,  8;  39, 
10).  Most  of  the  examples  (but  there  is  little  variety) 
are  those  of  the  thrice-seven  group.  A  Briarean 
monster  with  ninety-nine  arms  is  once  (II,  14,  4)  men- 
tioned ;  and  Indra's  steeds  in  ever-varying  numbers  are 
also  so  counted;  so  we  find  one  thousand  and  ninety- 
nine  loads.  The  Navagvas  and  Navavastva  alone  re- 
main.    In  V,  27,  3  "ninth"  is  doubtful. 


156  PAPERS   OF  THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

COMPARISON   OF   THREE   AND   NINE   WITH   SEVEN. 

I  propose  now  to  take  asomewliat  wider  point  of  view, 
and  by  comparing  the  use  of  three,  nine,  and  seven  in 
other  Ar}an  languages,  seek  to  discover  whether  there 
was  from  the  beginning  a  difference  in  the  holiness  at- 
taching to  these  numbers.  But  I  may  say  at  once  that, 
while  it  may  not  be  denied  that  seven  in  the  primitive 
Aryan  period  was  a  number  looked  upon  with  peculiar 
respect,  it  will  yet  be  found  that  there  is  a  striking 
contrast  between  the  sacredness  of  seven  and  that  of 
three  and  nine. 

In  Greece  exact  references  neither  for  three  nor  for 
nine  will  be  necessary  to  establish  their  respective 
holiness.     The  rpi^vyot  ^mi  are  but  a  type    of  the  one; 

the    evveant/xEeg  iweopyvpoi,    and    evviupoc,  (0d.   XI,    3I1),    of  the 

other.  Compare  Zeus'  three-forked  lightning;  Posei- 
don's three-forked  spear  (trident);  the  three  (or  five) 
rivers  of  hell;  and  around  hell  the  Styx  thrice  three 
times;  the  three  Fates,  three  Furies,  three  Graces;  the 
three  judges  of  hell;  the  three-headed  dog  of  Pluto;  and 
certain  triads  of  Hesiod  (Theog.,  149,  890,  902,  sq.) 
Eunomia,  Dike,  Eirene;  Notos,  Boreas,  Zephyros; 
Kottos,  Briareus,  Gyas;  while  in  regard  to  nine,  compare 
the  Ark  of  Deucalion  floating  nine  days;  nine  muses; 
the  nine  days'  plague;  the  nine  days'  visit  of  the  Iliad; 
Pindar's  nine  years  of  purgatory,  etc.  As  in  India,  to 
treble  is  to  produce  greater  holiness,  rpig  hvia  Kiuva^  nOsig^  in 
O.  C,  483.  In  the  Iliad  nine  oxen  are  sacrificed  for 
the  nine  days'  feast,  etc.     Three  is  divinely  holy. 

Now  on  examining  the  use  of  seven  the  contrast  in 
Hellas  is  marked:  Almost  all  the  triads  and  enneads  are 
applied  in  Homer  to  gods  or  divine  things  and  events. 
But  notice  to  what  seven  is  applied:  a  shield  of  seven 


THE   HOLY   NUMBERS   OF   RIG-VEDA.  157 

hides;  a  town  of  seven  gates;  a  year  of  seven  seasons;  a 
lyre  of  seven   strings;    life   divided    into   seven   stages 
(Solon);  the  seven  wise  men  of  earth;  a  rower's  bench, 
epriw^,   seven  feet  long;  seven  wonders;  seven  sleepers; 
seven  senses  (due  to  planets),  sons,  ships,  etc.     In  almost 
every  instance  in  sharp  contrast  to  three  (nine),  seven  is 
of  earth  earthy,  until  we  come  to  Orphic,  and  perhaps 
foreign    influence.     There    is    in    the    early    literature 
scarcely  a  link  connecting  seven  with  the  gods  (an  excep- 
tion somewhat  vague  may  be  seen  in  r^iraxu  -nvm  I'iiejmiphTo 
Od.,  XIV,  434).      It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  until  we 
come  to  ^schylus  seven  is  by  far  not  so  holy  as  three — 
and    this    is    putting   it  mildly.     The    seven    seers    of 
heaven  are  here  the  Wain— earthly.     The  seven  planets 
[enranopoc)   are  kuowu   iu   the   Homeric  hymns,    but  no 
sacred  application  is  made  of  them.     There  is  no  group 
of  seven  in  the  pantheon,  and  eK-nKTiq,  f7r-a0«w,  fTrraCwvof,  etc., 
are  all  late.     The  holiness  of  seven  is  not  aboriginal  with 
the  Greek.      Nor  is  it  in  Rome.      For  here,  except  for 
the  Seven  Oxen  (Septemtriones),   the   Septemviri,   the 
Septempagium  (all  earthly  and  worldly  in  their  concep- 
tion,   even    including    the   oxen),    there    are    no   native 
sevens  of  any  moment.     Now  let  us  turn  to  Northern 
mythology.     All  the  holiness  which  may  be  claimed  for 
seven  belongs,  so  far  as  I  can  judge,  not  to  the  older  Edda, 
but  to  the  younger,  and  even  this  is  vague.      "Seven 
sons  of  sobriety,"  "seven  mysterious  knives"  are  no- 
ticed; but  in  the  older  Edda  there  are  only  seven  eagles, 
kings,  halls,  sisters,  sons,  and  seasons  of  years  (misseri). 
We  find  here  in  combination  with  three  a  parallel  to  the 
use  of  the  Rig- Veda:   "for  seven  days  we  trotted  through 
cold  land;  seven  more  over  the  sea,  and  the  third  seven 
we  went  over  dry  steppes"  (Gudhrunakvidha  onnur). 
Evidently  here  we  have  only  a  round  number,  as  in  the 


158  PAPERS   OF  THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

younger  Edda  "sevenfold  council."  There  is  no  more 
mystery  in  regard  to  seven  than  there  is  in  other  num- 
bers of  a  character  not  at  all  sacred,  as  for  instance  eight 
(brothers,  sisters,  knights,  nobles,  seasons,  etc.).  But 
as  soon  as  we  reach  three,  we  come  up  to  the  same  level 
of  divine  application  as  that  on  which  stands  this  num- 
ber in  classic  lands.  The  Nornen  are  three,  the  Walku- 
ren  are  three,  or  nine;  there  are  nine  worlds  and  nine 
heavens,  nine  magic  formulas.  Odin's  ring  drops  eight 
others  every  nine  days.  In  Thrym's  song  Thor's  ham- 
mer is  in  the  eighth  depth  below  (/.  c.^  there  are  nine 
strata).  See  especially  Voluspa,  passim  (in  24  the  Nor- 
nen and  Walkuren  are  identified). 

The  general  character  of  nine  and  three  contrasts 
strongly  with  that  of  seven.  One  is  essentially  divine; 
the  other  is  humanly  perfect,  and  so  shades  into  com- 
pleteness, thence  into  mystery  and  holiness. 

I  cannot  but  think  that  in  India  the  same  state  of 
affairs  obtained.  Seven  is  here  also  an  indefinitely  com- 
plete number,  and  as  there  are  no  heavenly  prototypes 
for  seven  save  in  the  seven  stars,  we  are  driven  to  look 
upon  these  as  the  origin  for  all  the  sevenhood  of  seven 
as  a  heavenly  number,  for  the  streams  seven  are  palpably 
earthly,  and,  perhaps,  pre-Indian.  It  seems,  therefore, 
much  more  reasonable  to  take  the  divine  application  of 
seven  in  India  as  originally  arising  from  the  indefinite 
and  so  complete  sense  conveyed  by  it.  And  even  the 
seven  stars  may  have  originally  been  conceived  of  as  the 
many  departed  seers  (this  is  the  opinion  of  Roth),  /.  ^., 
the  Manes,  until  they  became  limited  by  a  strict  inter- 
pretation to  seven,  and  the  seven  stars  were  then  taken 
as  their  representative — exactly  such  a  procedure  as  we 
can  trace  historically  in  the  case  of  the  word  septdpada 
(above).     Even   in   India  the  application    of  seven    in 


THE    HOLY    NUMBERS   OF    RIG-VEDA.  1 59 

divine  circumstances    is    till    late  (seven    islands,    etc.) 
much  more  contracted  than  that  of  three. 

Our  religions  sense  has  been  affected  by  the  ecclesias- 
tical use  of  seven,  so  that  with  the  exception  of  the  tri- 
une, seven  is  to-day  rather  more  a  sacred  number  than 
is  three,  although  the  popularity  of  nine  lingers  in  vul- 
gar sayings  and  proverbs.  Examples  of  each  will  show 
how  modern,  comparatively,  is  the  sacredness  of  seven, 
and  how  thorough-going  (popular)  the  use  of  nine.  Thus 
"possession  is  nine-tenths  of  the  law;"  "cat  o'nine 
tails;"  the  "ninth  wave;"  a  "  nine  days'  wonder;"  "a 
cat  has  nine  liv^es "  (compare  the  dog,  tiwaV'f.rof);  "it 
takes  nine  tailors  to  make  a  man;"  "rigged  to  the 
nines;"  "a  stitch  in  time  saves  nine,"  etc.  Leases 
run  for  99  or  999  years.  On  the  other  hand,  as  the 
effect  of  ecclesiasticism  (that,  of  astrology  in  seven 
zones,  planets,  senses),  may  be  cited:  The  seven 
spirits  before  God's  throne;  seven  graces  of  God;  seven 
divisions  of  the  Lord's  prayer;  seven  Levitical  purifica- 
tions; Churches  in  Asia;  candlesticks;  trumpets;  horns; 
eyes  of  the  Lamb ;  exile  of  Israel  ;  Pharaoh's  kine ; 
ears  of  corn,  etc.  One  question  arises  here  which 
is  outside  the  limits  of  this  paper,  and  can  only  be 
broached.  The  seven  above  are  Semitic,  not  Aryan. 
But  the  Sabbatical  year  and  the  seven  days  of  creation 
seem  to  be  made  by  analogy  with  seven  days  of  the 
week.  Now  later  than  the  Rig- Veda,  a  week  of  seven 
days  is  in  India  (Atharva  Veda)  obtained  by  dividing 
into  quarters  the  lunar  month  of  twenty-eight  days.  Is 
not  this  the  origin  of  the  Semitic  sacredness  of  seven? 

In  Scandinavia  the  week  was,  I  believe,  one  of  nine 
days,* 

*I''or  y^revious  literature  see  the  author's  article  referred  to  above. 


THE   CHANGE   FROM   SURD   TO   SONANT   IN 
JAPANESE  COMPOUNDS. 

BY    BENJAMIN   SMITH    LYMAN. 

The  main  object  of  this  paper  is  to  place  on  record  in 
detail  the  more  important  facts  at  the  base  of  certain 
euphonic  rules  briefly  given  in  the  short  published  ab- 
stract of  a  paper  of  mine  on  "The  Japanese  Nigori  of 
Composition,"  read  before  the  American  Oriental  Soci- 
ety in  1883. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  second  part  of  very  many 
Japanese  compound  words  the  surds  r/z,  f^  h^  k^  j-,  sJi  and  / 
are  changed  to  sonants.  The  Japanese  call  a  sonant  the 
nigoiH^  that  is,  the  turbid,  or  impure  form,  of  its  corre- 
sponding surd.  They  have  at  times  even  insisted  that 
all  the  sonant  consonants  of  the  purely  Japanese  part  of 
the  language  are  only  derived  from  surds;  and,  although 
that  has  seemed  impossible  to  some  foreigners,  on  ac- 
count of  the  occurrence  of  sonants  at  the  beginning  of 
many  apparently  simple  words,  we  shall  see,  in  the  light 
of  some  cases  at  least,  the  Japanese  view  is  not  so  wholly 
inconceivable. 

It  has  sometimes  seemed  to  European  students  of 
Japanese  that  the  nigori  of  composition  was  as  inexpli- 
cable as  it  appears  to  be  in  our  words  hurdy-gurdy,  hurly- 
burly  and  the  like,  or  that  it  was  a  mere  matter  of  the 
ear,  and  might  be  used  or  not  at  will.  But  it  will  be 
found  that  its  use  depends  on  the  meaning  instead  of. 
wholly  on  the  ear,  and  that  the  Japanese  do  not,  like 

(160) 


TIIK   CHANGE    IN   JAPANESE   COMPOUNDS.  l6l 

foreigners,  use  it  indifferently  or  drop  it.  In  some  cases, 
however,  both  forms  may  be  allowable,  according  to  dif- 
ference of  meaning  or  derivation. 

The  rule  in  general  for  purely  Japanese  words  is  that 
the  second  part  of  a  compound  word  takes  the  nigori  ; 
that  is,  if  beginning  with  ch^  /]  //,  /*,  .9,  sh  or  /,  those 
consonants  are  changed  to  the  corresponding  sonant 
ones  ;  yet  with  only  a  slight  preponderance,  about  2361 
cases  against  about  2316;  and  the  general  rule  does  not 
apply  :  (i)  when  b,  </,  g^  7,  p  ox  2  already  occurs  anywhere 
in  the  second  part  of  the  compound  ;  nor  (2)  when  the 
second  part  is  a  Chinese  word;  nor  (3)  where  the  word, 
though  given  by  Hepburn  as  a  compound,  is  really  made 
up  of  words  in  regular  grammatical  connection  (without 
ellipsis),  such  as  juxtaposed  verbal  forms,  or  Chinese 
words  followed  by  verbal  forms  denoting  doing  or  action 
{shi^  siirii^  and  the  like),  or  w'ords  connected  by  no  or 
followed  by  to,  tc^  or  any  of  the  syllables  used  for  tlie 
terminations  of  verbal  forms  ;  and  (4)  there  are  1000 
other  cases  where  the  nigori  is  not  taken  against  2220 
where  it  is,  or  one  case  out  of  three. 

It  is  not  probably  worth  while  to  record  here  the  very 
numerous  words  that  conform  to  these  general  and  spe- 
cial rules,  but  only  the  much  less  bulky  lists  of  excep- 
tions to  them.  The  rules  are  based  on  a  review,  made 
sixteen  years  ago,  of  all  the  words  in  Hepburn's  diction- 
ary, second  edition,  and  some  tw'o  or  three  hundred 
more,  in  all  about  23,000  words;  and  though  an  over- 
sight here  and  there  may  have  taken  place,  and  though 
his  third  edition  may  have  added  further  material,  it  is 
hoped  that  the  present  results  may  be  exact  enough  for 
practical  purposes. 

In  readincr  the  lists  it  is  to  be  borne  in   mind   that 


l62  PAPERS   OF  THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

under  the  general  rule  //,  as  representing  an  ancient 
surd  labial,  is  changed  to  b^  or  sometimes  to  p^  "half 
nigori." — Hu^  instead  of  ///,  would  correctly  give  the 
pronunciation  of  Tokio;  but  at  Kijoto  the  sound  is  really 
fii,  with  the  f  exactly  like  the  English  f\  and  Kiyoto, 
from  its  central  situation  and  other  circumstances, 
rightly  gives  the  standard  for  the  language  in  general. — 
In  transliterating  (not  anglicising),  oo  (like  the  other 
vowels)  is  not  used  with  the  same  force  as  most  often  in 
English,  but  to  represent  two  successive,  yet  not  audi- 
bly separated,  long  o's,  as  each  would  commonly  be 
called,  much  like  oo  in  ooIitc\  oolitic^  oological^  zoolo- 
gical^ soop/iy/c.  Such  a  mode  of  writing  the  sound,  so 
far  from  being  an  innovation,  as  some  have  considered 
it,  is  as  old  as  any  systematic  rule  of  Japanese  transliter- 
ation, and  was  explicitly  adopted  about  two  hundred 
years  ago  by  Kaempfer,  and  has  been  in  use  ever  since. 
— In  the  lists  of  exceptions  a  dash  is  used  to  save  repeti- 
tion of  the  corresponding  part  of  the  preceding  word. 

I. — B^  (/,  g^  /,  /,  or  2  in  the  next  syllable  (363  cases), 
or  any  following  one  (35,  in  all  398  cases),  prevents  the 
nigori.     The  only  exception  is  amagappa. 

A  sonant  in  the  syllable  before  has  no  effect  on  the 
nigori  (about  150  words  with,  and  about  150  without), 

2. — Compounds  with  the  final  part  Chinese  do  not 
take  the  nigori  in  about  2090  cases  (besides  81  cases 
where  a  following  nigori  would  have  prevented  at  any 
rate)  ;  but  in  287  (about  one  case  in  seven)  it  is  taken, 
namely: 

{a) — Where  immediately  preceded  by  the  letter  n,  in 
the  following  186  cases: 

{aa) — All  those  (131,  and  excepting  one? — zenhai, 
which  also  has  zempai,)  in  which  n  in  the  first  part  of 


THE   CHANGE    IN   JAPANESE   COMPOUNDS.  163 

the  compound  conies  before  h  or  /  in  the  second,  of 
which  120  change  nh  or  ;// to  mp  (half  nigori),  against 
the  II  following,  which  change  nh  or  ;//"to  mb :  Jim  ben, 
mam—,  nim— ,  sam —  (4);  SAM-biyakn,  — bon  (2);  ham- 
bit.ai,  hombuku,  iniban,  kembeki,  membakn  (5). 

{ab)—k\\^   the  following  55,  in  which  a  surd  conso- 
nant following  n  takes  the  nigori  (against  515  in  whicl 
it  does   not):   Jin-Dzuu,    yuu—  (2);    han-GOKU,   hon — 
kin—,  on — ,  ran — ,  rin— ,  san — ,  sen — (8);  en-jA,  han — 
in—,    kan— ,   sen—,   shin—  (6);  ban-jAKU,  en—,   on— 
ren— ,   san—,    tan—   (6);    ren-ji,    zen—    (2);    baken-jo 
kan—,  kin—,   nan—,  shin—  (5);  nan-ZAN,  rin—,  san — 
(3);  EN-doo,  — gi  (2);  HAN-dan,  — doo,  — zatsu  (3);  SAN- 
dzui,  — gai,  — jiki,  — zai,  — zashi,  — ze,  —zen  (7);  SEN- 
zankoo,    — zen    (2);    bushinjin,    inju,    konjiki,    manzai, 
nenjiu,  shinzoo,  tenden,  unjiukitsu,  yunzei  (9). 

(^j — And    the    following    106   cases:    Do-BEi,    ishi — 
ita — ,   neri —  (4);  ashi-BiYOQSHi,   ita — ,   ma — ,   shira — 
te—  (5);  ue-BOOSOO,  uma— ,  ushi—  (3);  go-BUKU,  imi— 
ki_(3);  cha-DANSU,  choo—  (2);  ishi-DOOROO,  niawari— 
taka— ,  tsuri— (4);  boo-DZU,  joo— (2);  kakure-GA,  me— 
utsnri— ,  waki— (4);  otoko-Gi,  utsuri— na,   yowa—  (3) 
Ei-GOKU,  Futsu— ,  riyoo— (3);  kuchi-GiREi,  te— (2);  cha 
GUWASHi,  hi—,  midzu—  (3);   annai-jA,  choo—,  moo— 
ninsoo — ,  shugiyoo — ,  uranai —  (6);  doo-ji,  e— ,  hana — 
hashiri— ,  hei— ,  too— (6);  e-jiKi,  kotsu— ,  moku— ,  ni— 
niku— ,  so—  (6);  bareki-jiN,  sadai— ,  sui— ,  ubai— ,yoo— 
(5);  kawai-jo,  niroku—  (2);  gin-zAiKU,  mugiwara— ,  te— 
(3);  kake-ZAN,  kuwa— ,  menoko — ,  muna— yoo,  nagare — , 
sa— ,  tatami— ,  wari—  (8);  hei-ZEi,  fu— ,  00—,  sei—  (4); 
atsugan,     chiwagenka,     doozen,     gobatsu,     funagassen, 
fuuzetsu,  giyodzui,  hatsugoori,  hayabikiyaku,  koogaku, 
kajichi,    katsudatsu,    midzujaku,    nezoo,    otamajakushi, 


164  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

sagnwan,    sliigedoo,    soodegooro,    toogiiwa,    usugeshoo, 
yakiban,  yasejotai,  yudoofu  (23). 

3. — About  670  cases  given  by  Hepburn  as  compound 
verbs  do  not  take  the  nigori  (besides  148  similar  cases 
where  it  would  be  prevented  at  any  rate  by  a  following 
nigori  consonant),  but  in  the  following  35  cases  it  is 
taken,  namely:  Aomi-DACHi,  hooke — ,  tsure —  (3); 
mamori-DOOSHi,  yomi —  (2);  ike-DORi,  tsukami —  (2); 
name-DZURi,  sae — (2);  karon-ji,  sakin — ,  nton — ,  yasun — 
(4);  SHi-bari,  — bori,  — buri,  — bomi,  — dare,  — goki, 
— gumi,  — gure  (8);  FUM-bari,  — batakari  (2);  degire, 
iregomi,  kikigane,  kuribiki,  nezame,  nibami,  oibore, 
sashigumi,  saegiri,  tsuibami,  ukegai,  yasegare  (12). 

The  following  99  words,  given  by  Hepburn  as  nouns, 
of  which  both  parts  are  verbal,  take  the  nigori  (against 
96  that  do  not):  Otoshi-BANASHi,  tatoe — ,  yari —  (3); 
ai-BORE,  ne —  (2);  sukashi-BORi,  uki —  (2);  (aomi-DACHi) 
-(tare — ,  suki —  (2);  ki-DOOSHi,  kiri —  (2);  kiri-DORi, 
kogiri — ni,  oshi — ,  tsukuri — ,  uri —  (5);  sashi-DZUME, 
tachi — (2);  baitori-GACHi,  kane — ,  itsuwari — ,  okitari — , 
wasure —  (5);  kake-GAE,  nori —  (2);  ate-GAi,  oshi —  (2); 
kaeri-GAKE,  kai — ,  ki — ,  nuke — ,  omoi — ni,  tasshi — , 
tomari — ,  toori — ,  yuki —  (9);  furi-GAKi,  hashiri — , 
hikae — ,  kiki — ,  misebi — ,  nijiri — ,  nuki — ,  soe — , 
tsumori — ,  wari —  (10);  (ire-GOMi),  ki — ,  ue —  (2); 
hanare-jiNi,  kubire — ,  obore — ,  tachi — ,  ue — ,  yake — 
(6);  mi-ZAME,  ne —  (2);  maki-zoE,  sashi —  (2);  de-zoME, 
kaki — ,  nori —  (3);  hanarebanare,  harebare,  karegare, 
kiregire,  shimijimito,  taedaeni  (6);  akegure,  aibiki, 
hanarezakari,  kakeberi,  kakedzukuri,  kaigakari,  kaigui, 
kashidzuki,  kiribari,  machibuse,  makigari,  midate,  mi- 
kakedaoshi,  namege,  nebie,  neboke,  nedzumai,  negaeri, 
nurigome,     okurebuse,     okizari,     soibushi,     tachigare, 


THE   CHANGK    IN  JAPANESE    COMPOUNDS.  165 

tachigiki,   tachigie,  tachignrami,  tachigiri,   tatakibarai, 
uttegawashini,  waidame,  yoigurui,  yukidomari  (32). 

The  following  31  cases  of  Chinese  words  followed  by 
shiox  siivH  take  the  nigori:  Benji  (dzuru),  danji  (dzuru), 
enji  (dznrn),  gaenji  (dzuru),  genji  (dzurn),  hanji  (ru, 
dzuru),  henji,  junji  (ru,  dzuru),  kenji  (dzuru),  kunji  (ru, 
dzuru),  menji  (ru,  dzuru),  nenji  (dzuru),  ninji  (dzuru), 
ronji  (dzuru),  sanji  (ru,  dzuru),  senji  (dzuru),  shinji 
(dzuru),  sonji  (dzuru),  soranji  (dzuru),  tanji  (dzuru),  tenji 
(dzuru),  zonji  (dzuru),  (22  ending  in  n)\  chooji  (dzuru), 
dooji  (dzuru),  hooji  (dzuru),  jooji  (dzuru),  kooji  (dzuru), 
ooji  (dzuru),  shooji  (ru,  dzuru),  tooji  (dzuru),  (8  ending 
in  o6)\  ei-ji  (dzuru),  (i). 

The  following  ii  words  compounded  with  Chinese 
ones  ending  in  tsu  and  the  verbal  ending  shi  (suru)  do 
not  take  the  nigori:  Besshite,  esshi,  kesshi  (shite),  kus- 
shi,  resshi,  sesshi,  sosshi,  tasshi,  tesshi,  usslii,  zesshi. 
Also  gese  and  geshi  do  not  take  the  nigori.  Other  Chi- 
nese words  followed  by  shi  (suru)  are  not  given  as  com- 
pounds, and  are  not  followed  by  the  nigori. 

In  about  151  other  cases  which,  though  given  by 
Hepburn  as  compounds,  are  really  words  in  grammatical 
connection  without  ellipsis  or  contraction,  there  is  no 
nigori  of  composition.  The  six  apparent  exceptions 
are:  Amanogawa  (of  which,  however,  ;?c'  =  prairie?), 
michinobe,  nanigana,  osoiba,  sainogawara,  unabara  (for 
"  umi  no  hara  "). 

Of  so-called  verbal  terminations,  the  change  from  a 
surd  to  the  nigori  occurs  in:  Ba^  in  the  so-called  con- 
junctive and  conditional  forms;  do  and  domo^  in  conces- 
sive ones;  de,  dsu,  ji,  sarii,  in  negative  ones;  dc,  in 
affirmative  ones  where  the  root  ends  in  gi,  and  the  g  is 
dropped  in  contraction,  or  where  mi  at  the  end  of  the 
root  is  changed  to  n. 


1 66  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

4. — The  following  1000  compounds  do  not  take  the 
nigori  (against  2220  that  do): 

(a) — 353  with  verbal  endings  (against  681  that  do  take 
the  nigori):  Charnmera-FUKI,  furo — ,  hai — ,  hora — , 
kane — ,  midzn — ,  sorauso — ,  (7);  ame-FURi,  hire — ,  (2) 
ei-FUSHi,  hire — ,  (2);  chiri-HARAi,  knshi — ,  tsnchi — 
yaku — ,  (4);  kasa-HARi,  joo — nokaini,  taiko — ,  (3);  ami 
HiKi,  edzu — ,  fune — michi,  ha — ,  midzu — ,  momo — 
mosa — ,  yado — ,  (8);  ido-HORi,  kane — ,  (2);  midzu-KAi 
tsnchi — ,  nshi — ,  yak — ,  (4);  fude-KAKE,  hara — ,  hashi — , 
katana — ,  koshi — ,  mae — ,  me — ,  midzu — ,  ron — ,  te — 
sndzu — ,  yari — ,  yodare — ,  (13)  ;  c-kaki,  hanshita — 
hi — ,  kago — ,  kai — ,  kasa — ,  koshi — ,  mae — ,  masn — 
meso — ,  mimi — ,  mono — ,  snmi — ,  te — ,  to — ,  beso-kakn 
(16);  kngi-KAKUSHi,  me — ,  (2);  hana-KAMi,  00 — ,  yak — 
(3);  me-KARi,  midzu — ,  (2);  cha-KASHi,  gura — ,  kane — 
me — ,  (4);  hi-KESHi,  sumi — ,  (2);  kuchi-KiKi,  me — 
te — ,  (3);  choo-KiRi,  en — ,  ishi — ,  kama — ,  kichak — 
kubi — ,  soba — ,  shin — ,  yajiri — ,  (9);  cha- koshi,  mi- 
dzu— ,  toshi — ,  (3);  miru-KUi,  mono — ,  mushi — ,  ki — 
mushi,  (4);  ara-KURE,  chobo — ,  kai — ,  nani — ,  o — , 
saka — ,  shiraba — ,  ta — ,  (8)  ;  ito-KURi,  kara — ,  ta — , 
wata — ,  (4);  ei-SAME,  haru — ,  me — ,  mura — ,  (4);  abura- 
SASHi,  bin — ,  e — ,  fuda — ,  hata — ,  midzu — ,  mono — , 
sumi — ,  tatami — ,  tori — ,  zeni — ,  (11);  tadzu-SAWARi, 
yu — ,  (2)  ;  abumi-SHi,  e — ,  fnde— ,  gura — ,  hata — , 
ikada — ,  ikake — ,  imono — ,  ireba — ,  kagami — ,  ka- 
wara — ,  kazari — ,  koshaku^  koto — ,  kusu — ,  kuji — , 
makie — ,  megane — ,  nage — ,  nani — ni,  nani — ka,  nani — 
00,  nurimono — ,  sashimono — ,  sato  —  (se),  shiru — , 
sora — ,  sugo — ,  yatsu — ,  makoto — yakani,  tai — ta, 
nami-suru,  (32);  ato-SHiKi,  kana — ,  kata — ,  kore — , 
knra — ,   naga — ,   utto — ,   ya — ,   za — ,    (9);  abura-SHiME, 


THE   CHANGE    IN  JAPANESE   COMPOUNDS.  1 67 

haji — ,  karo — ,  niidzn — ,  obi — ,  soo — ,  yama — ,  (7); 
niono-SHiRi,  lis — ,  soo-shiramikao,  (3)  ;  dara-SUKE, 
darani — ,  fukn — ,  kiimo — ,  sail — ,  (5);  g-oma-vSURT, 
han — ,  ko — ,  niinii — ,  te — ,  (5);  kara-TACHi,  kit — , 
kiiiiitoko — ,  mono — ,  (/\.)  ;  sliiro-TAE,  iiro — ,  ut — , 
yoko — ,  (4);  hi-TAKi,  meshi — ,  (2);  hana-TARE,  sliio — , 
shita — ,  (3)  ;  liaclii-TATAKi,  ishi — ,  ma — ,  iiiwa — , 
sliiba — ,  (5);  fnde-TATE,  me — ,  ya — ,  (3);  shito-TOME, 
sode — ,  (2);  akari-TORi,  aka — ,  amma — ,  ase — ,  ato — , 
cliiri — ,  liiyoo — ,  kaji — ,  koi — ,  kuclii — ,  me — ,  nomi — , 
o — ,  ondo — ,  sai — ,  sao — ,  seki — ,  sliaku — (miishi),  slii — , 
sumi — ,  sumoo — ,  tema — ,  yu — ,  zoo — ,  midzutoru- 
tama,  toshi-totta,  (26);  boo-TSUKAi,  hebi — ,  idzuna — , 
sora — ,  (4);  bin-TSUKE,  hada — ,  hi — ,  kado — ,  kako — , 
kaiie — ,  ishi — ,  jin — ,  ki — ,  me — ,  miiku — ,  iie — , 
shimo — ,  te — ,  (14^;  aka-TSUKi,  basa — ,  beta — ,  bikii — , 
bira — ,  biri — ,  bura — ,  chira — ,  fu — ai,  fiida — ,  fiira — , 
giro — ,  gota — ,  gura — ,  giido — ,  giidzii — ,  gnta — , 
hiyoro — ,  iki — ,  ira — ,  jara — ,  ji — ,  kabi — ,  kidzii — , 
kira — ,  kitsu — ,  kiyoro — ,  kome — ,  kose — ,  maga — , 
me — ,  11a — ,  nawa — ,  niclia — ,  niira — ,  otoko — ,  seka — , 
sen — ,  set — ,  soko — ,  sowa — ,  ta — ,  teratsu — ,  iika — , 
iiro — ,  nwa — ,  keiitsukii,  shaa-tsiikii,  (48);hana-TSUKURi, 
niwa — ,  ynmi — ,  (3);  cha-TSUMi,  na — ,  (2);  eisliire, 
eitaore,  etoki,  fnsoroi,  futemawari,  futsuriai,  asakaranii, 
hanahiri,  hoofiikurashi,  hookamnri,  iwotsiiri,  karisome, 
kikori,  komekami,  kotokire,  kotokawari,  kotosaranu, 
kototari,  kiibiknkuri,  kuchisiii,  mekuramaslii,  midzii- 
sumaslii,  midziitamari,  midzutame,  miotsiikushi,  mii- 
kabaratatsn,  iiedznmikoroshi,  netsnsamashi,  omohoe, 
saikaeri,  sayofiike,  shiolii,  shirake,  shirokae,  sliitasliimi, 
sliitatame,  tadznsae,  takiimi,  takuromi,  takuwae,  tasnke, 
tasiikari,  tekiliaki,  tesuki,  tokoroseki,  \atsiire,  yoko- 
tawari,  yoosiiki,  yuiisiiki,  yuusari,  (50! 


1 68  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

{/}) — 83  reduplicated  words  (against  67  with  the 
nigori):  chikuchikn,  chiracliira,  chirichiri,  chirochiro, 
chokochoko,  furafura,  fuw^afinva,  hakihaki,  haraharato, 
hatahata,  hekoheko,  hetahetato,  hihi,  hirahirato,  hiri- 
hiri,  hitahita,  hiyokohiyoko,  hiyorohi)oroto,  hokohoko, 
horohoro,  hotehote,  hotohototo,  kachikachi,  kakiikaku, 
karakara(to),  katakata,  kechikechi,  kirakirato,  kirikiri- 
(to),  kiyakiya,  kiyorokiyoroto,  kokekoke,  korokoroto, 
kosekose,  kosokoso,  kotekote,  knnkiinto,  kurakura,  ku- 
rukuruto,  kushakusha,  kusukusiito,  kutsukutsuwaraii, 
kuyokuyo,  sakusakuto,  sarasara(to),  sashitsumesashi- 
tsume,  sateinosatemo,  satesate,  sawasawato,  saetsuo- 
saetsu,  sekaseka,  sekiseki,  sewasewashii,  shaashaa, 
sharisharito,  shikashika,  shikushikn,  shioshioto,  shito- 
shito,  sokosokoni,  sokusokii,  somosomo,  soresore, 
sorosoroto,  soosoo,  sowasowa(shite),  soyosoyoto,  sura- 
surato,  snriisuruto,  suyasuyatoneru,  takatakayubi,  taka- 
takatsuki,  tamatama  (tamadama),  taratarato,  teratera, 
teriteriboodzu,  torotoroto,  toiiton,  tootoo,  tsukatsuka, 
tsuratsura,  tsunitsurn,  tsuyatsiiya. 

(c) — 34  compounds  with  adjective  endings  (against  106 
that  do  take  the  nigori):  akarui,  anakashiki,  aoshiroi, 
arakuroshii,  aramahoshii,  furukusai,  futokutakama- 
shiki,  hashikashii,  hinatakusai,  ikiknsai,  ikuhisashii, 
jimankusai,  kashikamashii,  katakurushii,  kirakirashii, 
kogarekusai,  mimahoshii,  niimishii,  mudzukashii, 
musaknrushii,  semahoshii,  shibutoi,  shiohayui,  shio- 
karai,  sharakusai,  shisomonai,  shitsukoi,  tattoi,  tootoi, 
tsumetai,  utsukushii,  wakawakashii,  yofukai,  yuyushii, 
besides  others  compounded  with  mahoshii,  shii,  tai,  and 
toi,  which  do  not  appear  as  separate  words. 

{d} — 29  juxtaposed  words  of  allied  or  contrasted  mean- 
ing :    achikochi,    anakashiko,    atosaki,    hirarikururito, 


THE   CHANGE   IN  JAPANESE   COMPOUNDS.  1 69 

iroka,  itotake,  kagehinata,  kakasoso,  kaknte,  karekore, 
mucliakiicha,  ninsakusa,  norariknrari,  noraktirato, 
oyako,  sakoso,  sosokiisato,  tokakvi,  tokoo,  tomokakiiino, 
tomokoomo,  tonikakuni,  toosamakoosama,  tosenka- 
kusen,  toyakakuto,  toyakooto,  unekuiie,  iishitora, 
uwoosavvoo. 

{e) — Also  the  following  501  words  (against  1366  with 
the  nigori):  a-CHi,  ko — ,  nania — ,  shira — ,  so — ,  idzu — 
(6);  haya-FUNE,  hiki — ,  kawa — ,  yo — ,  (4);  de-HA,  ori — , 
saka — ,  shira — ,  yudzuru — ,  (5);  naga-HAMA,  shio — 
yoko — ,  yoshi,  (4);  aka-HARA,  ato— ,  hi — ,  kata — ,  name — 
suki — ,  nra — ,  (7);  kata-HASHi,  me — ,  (2);  kiza-HASHi 
mi — ,  sori — ,  (3);  iri-Hi,  tobi — ,  (2);  kumi-HiMO,  nchi — 
(2);  ma-HO,  midzn — ,  tsugi — ,  (3);  hanashi-KA,  hoshi  — 
(2);  kawa-KAMi,  kaza — ,  kome — ,  (3);  kiri-KAMi,  ori — 
shibu — ,  (3);  furn-KANE,  shiro — ,  midzu — ,  (3);  ai-KASA 
matsu — ,  midzu — ,  oribetsu — ,  toshi — ,  (5);  ashi-KASE 
kubi — ,  maro — ,  te — ,  (4);  abura-KASU,  cha — ,  soba — 
tabe — ,  tare — ,  (5);  ai-KATA,  ara — ,  ato — ,  de — ,  fuchi — 
funa — ,  haha — ,  hake — ,  hiyooro — ,  hisa — ,idzu — ,  kari — 
kashi — ,  koshi — ,  kure — ,  kawase — ,  mae — ,  nie — ,  mi — 
moto — ,  ni — ,  mochii — ,  ori — ,  oya — ,  sabake — ,  saki — 
sato — ,  sen — ,  shiire — ,  shi — ,  shitate — ,  shite — ,  tana — 
tsnkai — ,  uchi — ,  nma — ,  nra — ,  ya — ,  yu — ,  yuu —  (40) 
nari-KATACHi,  shina —  (2);  abura-KAWA,  atsu — dznra 
kata — ,  ni — ,  00 — ,  shibu — ,  togi — ,  totsu — ,  tsukuri — 
usu — ,  uwa — (11);  abura-KE,  ara — nai,  chiri — ,  hata — , 
iro — ,  kawara — ,  koshi — ,  midzu — ,  mukai — ,  mushi- 
nebari — ,  nigo — ,  nodo — ,  oomi — ,  saku — ,  shiru — 
sori — ,  tawa — ,  tsuyu — ki,  ubu — ,  yata —  (21);  chi- 
KEMURI,  midzu — ,  uma — (3);  kabu-Ki,  karasu — ,  kare — , 
koshi — ,  kuchi — ,  kusu — ,  ma — ,  maru — ,  masa — 
nadzu — ,     nama — ,     nami — ,     saka — ,    shira — ,    taru — 


170  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

tori — ,  tsngi — ,  ubu — ,  ue — ,  waka — ,  yak — (21);  arai-KO 
arashi — ,  asn — ,  dada — ,  finia — ,  hari — ,  haru — ,  iri — 
ishi — ,  ko — ,  kiimi — ,  kiislii — ,  mai — ,  mama — ,  midzu — 
mi — ,  miq^aki — ,  moro — ,  iiama — ,  ne — ,  nicha — ,  nnna — 
obo — ,  shiro — ,  shim — ,  so — ,  tana — ,  te — ,  tera — ya 
tori — ,  tsiire — ,  udon — ,  iiji — ,  iiro — ,  yak —  {35);  hiki 
KOTO,  kata — ,  mi — ,  tawa — ,  11  wa — ,  wabi — (6);  ai-KUCHi 
de — ,  ho — ,  iri — ,  karu — ,  kata — ,  mitsu — ,  mochi — 
miiki — ,  00 — ,  ore — ,  sabake — ,  sode — ,  tobo — ,  ure — 
uri — ,  warn — ,  yatsu — ,  yoi — ,  3'omi —  (20);  ashitaka^ 
KUMO,  miira — ,  shira — ,  yami —  (4);  kami-KURA,  kari — , 
nama —  (3);  haya-KUSA,  kara — ,  midzu — ,  mi — ,  omo — 
saki — ,  shichi — ,  some — ,  to — ,  ume — ,  yake —  (11) 
knchi-KUSE,  shi — ,  te —  (3);  hana-KUSO,  kani — ,  kana — , 
me — ,  mimi — ,  mune — ,  mnshi —  (7);  abumi-KUWA 
kiiro —  (2);  aka-SAKA,  ko —  (and  kozaka),  kndari — 
nobori — ,  tama — ,  to —  (6);  akari-SAKi,  he — ,  hoko — , 
knchi — ,  mi — ,  mnna — ,  te — ,  toto— ,  nri — ,  ya — ,  yoo— 
(11);  ari-SAMA,  akara — ni,  ashi — ni,  ika — ,  midai — 
mina — ,  nani — ,  ne — ,  ni — ,  noke — ni,  oku — ,  saka — 
saki — ,  tono — ,  too — koo — ,  toto — ,  yoko — ,  nesan,  nisan 
obaasan,  okamisan,  ototsan  (22);  hi-SAO,  kara — (2);  ima 
SARA,  nao —  (2);  furn-SATO,  tori — (2);  asa-SE,  fuka — 
hada — ,  kngu —  (4);  saka-SHiMA,  te — ishi,  yoko — ,  (3) 
chi-SHio,  ha — ,  hi — ,  hiki — ,  michi — ,  sashi —  (6);  kawa 
SHIRI,  mayu — (2);  kawa-SHiMO,  kaza —  (2);  kata-SHiRO 
navva — ,  toji — ,  uri —  (4);  chi-SHiRU,  hana —  (2);  kaze 
SHITA,  me — ,  obi —  (3);  ami-so,  nanori —  (2);  ao-TA 
ara — ,  are — ,  fuke — ,  kawa — ,  midzu —  (6j;  ko-TACHi 
kodomo — ,  kunitoko — ,  nan — ,  omae — ,  yakunin —  (6) 
ara-TAKA,  kuma — ,  ashi — kumo  (3);  ari-TAKE  (and  ari 
dake),  hana — ,  hatsu —  (and  hatsudake),  iwa — ,  kawa — , 
kure — ,   matsu —  (and   matsudake),  mimi — ,  shii —  (9) 


THE   CHANGE    IN  JAPANESE   COMPOUNDS.  171 

ara-TAMA,  kin — ,  knro — ,  knbi — ,  niidzu —  (5);  kakobi- 
TE,  liania — ,  liiki — ,  hiiieri — ,  hon— ,  ho — ,  i — ,  kai — , 
kara-nie — ,  kara — ,  kata — ,  kawariban — ,  kiri — ,  kit — , 
ko — ,  me — ,  naka — ,  iiawa — ,  oi — ,  okii — ,  00 — ,  saka — , 
saki — ,  sawa — ,  sen — ,  shinio — ,  shita — ,  shi — ,  sho — , 
tori — ,  tsnkai — ,  tsuri — ,  iiri — ,  luva — ,  yaki — ,  yari — , 
yose —  (37);  ao-TO,  e — ,  nunie —  (3);  kana-TOKO,  niwa — 
(2);  ko-TORi,  niwa — ,  00 —  (3);  ma-TSUCHi,  masa — , 
neba — ,  yase —  (4);  nui-TSUKi,  shinio — ,  sa —  (3);  kiba- 
TSUTSU,  ko — ,  moto-gome — ,  o — ,  00 — ,  tan —  (6);  han- 
shita,  — toki  (2);  KARA-kami,  — kane,  — kasa  ( — sao), 
— sumi  (4);  KATA-ho,  — kana,  — sumi,  — toki  (4);  ko- 
sawa,  ( — saka  and  — zaka)  (i);  MAMA-chichi,  — haha 
( — ko),  — samnrai  (3);  Mi-hakase  ( — hashi),  ( — kata), 
(00 — ke),  — koshi  ( — koto),  — sora,  — takara,  — tama 
(iki — tama),  — tarashi,  — toohoo,  takamikura  (S);  O- 
fukuro,  — hayoo,  — hari,  — hiya,  — hiyarakaslii,  — hie, 
— kan,  — ketsu,  — tamaya,  — tori  ( — totsan),  ( — tsntsu), 
— tsnyu  (11);  (00-kawa),  — kimi  ( — kuchi),  — kurashoo, 
— sawa  (3);  abnrahi,  aohiki,  aosora,  aoto,  asahaka,  edaha, 
fusasakura,  hakoromo,  hanafuyii,  innkoro,  irotsnya, 
i(h)e,  kamashika,  kamisakayaki,  katatsumuri,  kirikishi, 
marutoshi,  mekao,  morotomoni,  niuneto,  narisoo,  nori- 
kumi,  oknsokonai,  orifnshi,  orihima,  ototoi,  ototsui,  rai- 
harii,  sahachi,  sahari,  satsnhito,  shookachi,  wakatono, 
dzuknni,  jisaka,  midzukame,  midzusaki,  midznseki,  sabi- 
tsne,  shattsura,  shinobitsuma,  shiosn,  shiratsnya,  tobihi, 
tookarasu,  nminechima,  nbusuna,  yabnka,  yobikoe, 
yohoro,  yubukarashi,  yumahiko,  ynrunieknsuri  (53). 

If  the  complete  lists  of  compounds  with  the  nigori 
and  without  be  carefully  examined,  it  is  found  that: 
When  the  first  part  indicates  the  origin,  source,  cause 
or  the  like,  possession  or  ownership,  superiority,  preva- 


172  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

lence,  pervasion,  inclusion  (eitlier  physical  or  ideal  or  a 
classifying  feature)  of  the  second  part,  in  short  domina- 
tion over  it  as  a  subordinate  thing,  there  is  no  nigori  of 
composition.  These  are  the  very  qualities  possessed  in 
English  by  a  substantive  following  the  word  of^  as  com- 
pared with  the  one  that  precedes. 

But  when  those  qualities  are  rather  possessed  by  the 
following  part  of  the  compound,  of  which  the  first  part 
indicates  a  subordinate  or  a  more  or  less  imperfectly, 
partially,  superficially,  temporarily,  occasionally  apply- 
ing characteristic  or  feature,  there  is  nigori.  When,  for 
example,  the  nigori  compound  has  an  adjective  ending, 
the  first  part  shows  in  what  respect  the  quality  is  meantj 
and  when  both  parts  are  verbal  forms,  the  first  likewise 
shows  with  reference  to  what  the  action  of  the  second 
takes  place,  instead  of  there  being  something  else  ta 
which  both  actions  concomitantly  refer. 

It  is  clear  that  the  nigori  invariably  arises  from  the 
disappearance  of  a  sonant  consonant,  almost  always  an 
;/,  and  generally  the  word  no  (of),  but  sometimes  ;//(in, 
to,  especially  in  re-duplicated  words),  sometimes  the 
negative  ;/,  and  sometimes  other  sonants  or  syllables,  as 
perhaps  occasionally  de  (at  or  with),  which  appears  to 
be  on  the  same  principle  a  contraction  either  of  nite 
(with,  by,  in)  or  of  motte  (having).  It  can  now  be  un- 
derstood why  the  sound  ii  is  so  often  heard  in  colloquial 
and  rustic  Japanese  before  a  dental  nigori  and  in  before 
a  labial  one,  and  still  oftener  the  sound  ng  instead  of 
simple  g.  The  significance  of  such  sounds  is  a  very 
strong  argument  for  specially  marking  them  in  any  sys- 
tem of  transliteration  in  Roman  letters;  and  for  writing,, 
say,  Nangasaki  in  the  time-honored  European  way,  in- 
stead of  the  recent  Nagasaki.     The  very  existence  of  the 


THE   CHANGE   IN  JAPANESE   COMPOUNDS.  1 73 

argiiiiient,  too,  is  proof  tliat  investigations  like  the 
present  one,  thongli  seeming  perhaps  remote  and  trivial, 
may  nevertheless  have  nsefnl  bearings  npon  a  question 
of  such  pressing  importance  as  the  best  method  of 
adapting  our  alphabet  to  the  nse  of  the  Japanese. 

It  is  probable  that  some  of  the  Japanese  themselves 
are  not  altogetlier  conscions  of  any  difference  in  mean- 
ing, owing  to  the  presence  or  absence  of  the  nigori  of 
composition,  or  disregard  it  on  acconnt  of  inability  to 
explain  it  or  formulate  it.  At  any  rate  the  famous  spot 
for  the  manufacture  of  porcelain  called  generally  by  the 
Japanese  A''t(da7n'  {that  is,  not  nine  valleys,  as  some  one 
has  mistakenly  imagined,  but  Kii-iio-tani^  or  ninth 
valley,  corresponding  to  the  uncontracted  tchi-iio-tain\ 
first  valley,  and  several  other  numbered  small  valleys 
that  with  it  branch  out  of  a  single  large  one)  is  in  the 
neighborhood  itself  called  Kiilani^  without  the  nigori. 
It  seems  to  be  an  illustration  of  the  fact  that  the  at- 
tempts of  the  partially  informed  to  carry  out  what  they 
conceive  to  be  grammatical  rules,  are  often  less  correct 
than  the  unquestioning  instinct  of  the  wholly  ignorant. 

The  real  significance  and  character  of  the  word  )h\ 
of  such  extremely  frequent  occurrence,  is  of  some  in- 
terest and  consequence.  It  appears  to  be  the  last 
syllable  of  the  word  diojio  (thing)  ;  for  in  Japanese  not 
merely  is  the  last  part  of  a  word  dropped  in  derivation, 
as  in  many  western  languages,  but  it  is  very  common 
that  the  first  part  is  dropped  ;  as  Mr.  E.  I\I.  Satow  has 
also  remarked  (Trans.  As.  Soc.  Jap.,  VI,  472).  The 
form  no  is  very  often  used  after  adjective  and  verbal 
forms  (frequently  contracted  to  simple  //),  with  obviously 
the  same  meaning  as  vtoiw  (thing).  It  is  plain  that  in 
the  form  of  the  postposition  no  (of)  it  has  in  realil\-  the 


174  PAPEKS   OF   THE    ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

same  meaning  (thing),  and  lielps  to  carry  out  the  uni- 
versal Japanese  rule  of  letting  general  words  precede 
the  particular.  If  a  subordinate  feature  has  to  precede, 
it  is  brought  about  through  the  interposition  of  the  word 
no  (that  is,  nioiio^  itself  a  particularizing  word  in  refer- 
ence to  the  foregoing  one),  in  order  to  make  the  expres- 
sion so  general  that  the  otherwise  principal  word  may 
follow  as  a  subordinate,  or  a  possession,  or  a  limiting  or 
defining  word.  This  corresponds  well  with  common 
idioms  in  so  distant  a  language  as  Chinese,  and  supports 
the  view  that  even  in  western  languages  the  possessive 
and  genitive  terminations  originally  had  likewise  essen- 
tially the  same  meaning  (thing). 

The  rule  of  the  nigori  in  composition  helps  very  much 
towards  tracing  the  derivation  and  primitive  meaning 
of  many  Japanese  words.  For  example,  Terashinia 
would  be  an  island  belonging  to  a  temple ;  whereas 
Terajiina  would  be  an  island  with  a  temple  on  it. 
y^/&/;^«'<?  (trader)  is  akinai  no  hito  (man  of  trade);  sJiirooto 
(one  not  skilled  in  a  profession)  is  shiro-hito  (man  of 
whiteness);  while  kiirooto  (one  skilled  in  a  profession)  is 
kiiro  hiio  (man  of  blackness).  But  kiiromboo  (negro)  is 
perhaps  kitro  na  Jiiio  (a  man  that  has  become  black  or 
tanned);  and  likewise  aka7nboo(^'dhy)  is  aka  na  hifoix^A 
man,  but  not  permanently  or  fully  so);  and  shkvaniboo 
(miser)  is  sJikva  na  hito.  It  should  be  remembered  that 
the  Japanese  //  in  these  cases  is  to  be  reckoned  as  a  labial. 
The  last  syllable  of  ^^^r?;V (return  journey),  kazvaji{x\\^x 
road),  7nikkaji  (three  days'  journey),  and  kooji  (small 
streets)  is  clearly  michi  (road).  The  first  part  of  kadzu 
or  koodzu  (the  paper  mulberry)  is  apparently  derived 
from  /i'<7;;// (paper).  Koodziike^  the  name  of  a  province, 
is  evidently  Kavii-tsuke  (this  kami  meaning  upper),  cor- 


THE   CHANGE   IN  JAPANESE   COMPOUNDS.  1 75 

responding  to  Shiiuo-f sit ke  {s/ini/o  meaning  lower),  witli- 
ont  the  nigori.  Koobc^  the  name  of  a  town,  would  be 
Kami-he  (upper  place  or  dwelling).  Oozaka,  the  name 
of  the  great  city,  is  Ooki  ua  saka  (the  great  steep-road)  ; 
whereas  Oosaka^  as  it  is  often  called,  would  be  Ooki saka^ 
nearly  the  same  in  meaning,  but  perhaps  differing  in  the 
degree  of  emphasis.  The  monosyllable  ^<7,  pronounced 
nga^  may  be  derived  from  no  ka^  with  the  ka  meaning 
emanation.  Ga^  like  ji  from  niichi^  also  given  as  a 
separate  word,  and  like  dc,  already  mentioned,  is  an  in- 
stance where  the  nigori  begins  a  word  ;  and  it  seems 
not  whollV  impossible  that  all  the  comparatively  few 
cases  where  purely  Japanese  words  so  begin  might  have 
some  similar  explanation,  and  that  the  other  cases  of 
nigori,  in  the  middle  of  a  word,  may  have  arisen  from 
compounding. 

The  word  Jiidari  (left  hand),  often  Jiindari  in  the 
country,  appears  to  be  the  direction  of  the  sunrise,  Jii 
no  deiari ;  while  niigi  (right  hand),  often  in  the  country 
viigiri^  is  possibly  niiru  no  o  ki'ri.,  or  vih^n  ?/'  kiri^  the 
direction  of  the  cutting  {kiri)  off  of  seeing  {inirii  7to)^  or 
sunset  ;  or  from  nii  kagiri  (limiting  of  sight)  ;  or  again 
from  mi  kagiri^  that  is,  kami  kagiri  (the  august  setting, 
or  the  god's  setting).  The  derivation  that  has  been 
proposed  (As.  Soc.  Jap.,  VI,  473)  from  nigiri,  to  grasp, 
is  rather  impossible  ;  for,  besides  the  difficulty  of  chang- 
ing //  to  ///  in  such  a  case,  the  word  ?iigi)i  as  a  concrete 
substantive  applies  to  the  part  of  the  bow  that  is 
grasped,  and  that  with  the  left  hand.  The  words  for 
left  and  right  in  Japan  appear,  then,  to  be  derived  from 
the  position  of  the  sunrise  and  sunset,  with  reference  to 
the  favorite  and  ordinary  outlook  of  dwellings  there. 
This  \\ould  seem   to  suggest  a  reasonable  and   natural 

00 


176  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

explanation  why  in  India  the  South  is  reckoned  to  be 
on  the  right  hand  ;  not  by  any  worship  of  the  rising 
sun,  such  as  exists  even  in  Japan,  but  by  the  fact,  dis- 
covered with  little  camping  experience  in  those  tropics, 
that  tents  or  other  dwellings,  whenever  possible,  are 
made  to  look  towards  the  east,  so  as  to  have  the  rising 
sun  take  off  the  morning  chill,  and  to  be  in  the  shade 
the  rest  of  the  day.  It  seems  to  be  one  of  those  cases 
where  points  in  one  langage  are  made  clear  by  the  in- 
vestigation of  another  verj'  distant  one. 

It  is  certain  that  a  thorough  collation  of  what  may 
seem  very  dry  Japanese  grammatical  facts,  aside  from 
mere  euphonic  changes,  would  lead  to  the  elucidation, 
not  only  of  the  derivation  and  true  meaning  of  words, 
but  to  a  better  understanding  of  the  structure  of  the 
language  ;  so  that  the  acquisition  of  the  tongue  could 
be  made  easier  for  future  students.  It  can  hardly  be 
doubted,  too,  that  useful  light  would  be  thrown  in  many 
ways  upon  the  derivations  and  grammar  of  our  w-estern 
languages,  and  on  grammar  in  general.  It  is  highlv 
probable,  moreover,  that  research  of  that  kind  would 
uncover  several  more  or  less  hidden  grammatical  fea- 
tures that  would  guide  towards  a  more  satisfactory 
method  than  any  yet  common  for  the  rational  and  com- 
pletely practical  phonetic  adaptation  of  Roman  letters 
to  Japanese,  a  matter  of  the  greatest  moment.  But  per- 
haps that  might  require  first  the  still  more  needed  im- 
provement of  the  transliteration  of  Chinese,  considering 
the  very  large  number  of  words  that  have  been  taken 
from  Chinese  into  Japanese,  especially  among  scholars. 


THE  ARYAN  NAME  OF  THE  TONGUE. 

BY    H.   COIXITZ. 

My  main  object  in   this    paper  is   to  show  that  the 
Greek  name  of  the  tongne,  y/Moan,  is  identical  with  San- 
skrit jiViva',  Latin  lingua,   and   the   rest  of  the   words 
which  are  generally  held  to  be  the  lineal  descendants  of 
the  Old  Aryan  name  of  the  tongue.     This  etymology 
occurred  to  me  several  years  ago,  but  for  various  reasons 
I  refrained  from  publishing  it.      I  am  fully  aware  that 
at  first  it  may  seem  venturesome,  since,  e.  g.,  ^V.^.  jihvW 
and  Greek  ff^oaa   do  not  apparently  agree  in   a  single 
sound  except  the  final  a,  and  that  this  very  agreement  is 
rendered  somewhat  problematic  by  the  fact  that  the  a 
in  Sanskrit  is  long  while  in  Greek  it  is  short.    Moreover 
I  found  some  difficulty  in  explaining  the  w  of  the  Greek 
word  and  I  hesitated  in  regard  to  some  other  points.    So 
it  seemed  more  advisable  to  wait,  in  the  hope  that  re- 
newed  consideration    or    perhaps    new   material    might 
yield  additional  proof.      In  the  meantime  new  material 
has  been  derived  from  a  source  from  which  it  could  be 
least  expected.     Among    the   papyri    recently   brought 
from  Egypt  to  the  British  Museum  are  the  fragments  of 
Herondas'    (or  Herodas')    mimiambs.     Among  the    in- 
teresting   additions    to   Greek    vocabulary    and    Greek 
crrammar    to   be  gathered    from    this    newly-discovered 
monument    of    ancient    literature    is    the    word    yUoaa 
"tono^ue."     If  I  am  not  mistaken  we  are  furnished  by 

(177) 


178  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

this  form  with  the  missing  link  between  Greek  y/Cjcaa 
and  the  words  for  "tongue"  in  the  cognate  languages. 


The  comparison  of  Skt.  ////z^(7',  "tongue,"  with  Latin 
lingua  and  Gothic  tnggo  fiiids  a  place  among  the  earliest 
etymologies  in  comparative  philology.  See  e.  g. ,  Bopp, 
Vergl.  Grammatik  I\  p.  165  ;  Pott,  Etymol.  Forsch.  T, 
p.  88,  119;  Benfey,  Allgem.  Lit.  Ztg.,  1837,  p.  909 
(  =  Kleinere  Schriften  I,  2,  p.  8),  and  Griech.  Wurzel- 
lexikon  II,  p.  201,  217  ;  Graff,  Ahd.  Sprachschatz  V,  p. 
681  ;  Diefenbach,  Vergl.  Worterb.  d.  Got.  Spr.  II,  p. 
673.  But  almost  as  old  as  this  etymology  is  the  doubt 
whether  Skt.  jiJiva'  ought  to  be  identified  with  the  Latin 
and  the  Gothic  word.  So  Jacob  Grimm,  although  hold- 
ing that  lingua  (for  dingiia^  and  tnggo  are  identical  (e. 
g.,  Deutsche  Gramm.  I^,  p.  586,  590),  and  combining 
with  these  Lit.  Icziiwis  and  O.  Slav,  jesyku  =  Russ. 
jasykii  il).  Gramm.  Ill,  p.  400;  Gesch.  d.  D.  Spr.,  p. 
320,  354),  nevertheless  omits  any  reference  to  Skt,  yV//z'«'. 
Furthermore,  Pott,  who  was  among  the  first  to  suggest 
the  identity  of  Skt.  jihva'  and  Lat.  lingua^  is  later  on 
(Et.  Forsch.  I\  p.  230),  inclined  to  abandon  this  etymol- 
ogy for  the  derivation  o{ jihva'  from  root  livd  "to  call." 
Pott's  uncertainty  and  Grimm's  silent  disapproval  were 
followed  by  Lottuer's  positive  statement  (Kuhn's 
Zeitschr.  7,  p.  185),  that  Skt.  jihva'  could  not  be  identi- 
fied with  lingua  and  tuggo.  Similar  opinions  were  also 
expressed  by  Delbriick  in  Zacher's  Zeitschr.  I,  p.  70, 
and  by  Pott  in  the  second  edition  of  his  Etymologische 
Forsch.  II,  2  (  =  Wz.-Wtb.  I),  p.  570,  and  III,  p.  1013. 
More  recently  Lottuer's  standpoint  was  endorsed  by 
Schade,  Altdeutsches  Wtb.'  s.  v.  zungd,  by  Bartholo- 
mae  in  Kuhn's  Zeitschr.  27,  p.  207  sqq,  and  by  Merin- 


THE  ARYAN  NAME  OF  THE  TONGUE.       1 79 

ger,  Beitriige  z.  Gesch.  d.  indog.  Declination  (in  the 
Sitzungsber.  d.  K.  Akad.  d.  W.  in  Wien,  Ph.-H.  CI., 
Bd.  CXXV),  Wien,  1891,  p.  38  sq.  The  chief  objections 
raised  by  these  scholars  will  have  to  be  considered  later 
on  in  this  article.  Snffice  it  for  the  present  to  refer  to 
K.  F.  Johansson's  discussion  of  the  points  in  question  in 
Indog.  Forsch.  II,  p.  i  sqq.  I  entirely  agree  with  Jo- 
hansson in  claiming  that  the  identical  meaning  and  the 
striking  similarity  in  form — especially  in  regard  to  the 
derivation  and  inflection — are  in  favor  of  identifying 
with  Lat.  lingua^  the  Indian  and  Iranian  words  for 
"tonofue. " 


Let  us  now  try  to  reconstruct  the  original  form  of  the 
name  of  the  tongue  in  the  Aryan  languages.  The  ma- 
terial on  which  the  reconstruction  is  mainly  to  be  based, 
is  the  following : 

Sanskrit.  In  addition  toj//n'<i'  f.  in  the  Rigveda  the 
word  jiiJiTi'  f.  (Instr.  sg.  juJiv^'a^  i.  e.  jiiJiiid  or  juJiiiva^ 
Instr.  ^l.jiihtl'bhis)  is  found,  the  latter  coinciding  in  form 
w\\.\\  Juhn' i.  "sacrificial  ladle."  The  sacrificial  ladle 
may  have  originally  been  tongue-shaped  (see  Bohtlingk- 
Roth  s.   V.  2  juJui').^ 

'  I  bold  with  Roth,  Grassinann  and  von  Bradke,  in  '"Festgruss  an 
R.  V.  Roth,"  1S93,  p.  125,  thaty«//;?'  has  in  the  Rigveda  both  the  mean- 
ings "tongue  "  and  "sacrificial  ladle,"  while  Bergaigne,  Rel.  Ved.  I, 
p.  40,  and  Pischel,  Ved.  Studien  II,  p.  no  sqq.,  claim  that  it  is  con- 
fined to  the  latter  meaning.  If  we  were  to  adopt  Bergaigne's  and 
Pischel's  opinion,  it  would  mean  that  in  Indian  the  one  theme  of  the 
Aryan  word  for  "tongue  "  (that  one  which  is  identical  with  Avest.  hizu^ 
O.  '$i\2i\.  jezy-kii,  O.  High  Germ,  zinigii-n,  etc.,)  adopted  throughout 
the  secondary  meaning,  "sacrificial  ladle,"  while  its  other  theme  (the 
one  agreeing  with  Avest.  hizva,  Lat.  lingua,  Goth,  tuggo-n-,  etc.,) 
preserved  the  original  meaning  "tongue."  In  my  opinion  Pi.schel  is 
probably  right  in  his  interpretation  of  certain  passages,  but  I  do  not 


l8o  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

Iranian.  The  Avesta  has  two  forms  exactly  parallel 
to  those  found  in  the  RV.,  viz,  Jiizva-  f.  and  Jiizii-  (Gen. 
hisvo^  Instr.  pi.  hizttbis)  f.  and  m.  Comp.  Justi,  Handb. 
d.  Zendspr.  s.  v.  Jiisii  and  hizva.^  Bartholomae  in  Bez- 
zenb.  Beitr.  8,  p.  210  and  13,  p.  89  sq.  In  Old  Persian 
the  Ace.  sg.  \Jiiz~\avam  (or  \iz'\iivavi  ?)  is  found  Beh.  II, 
74,  cp.  Bartholomae  in  K,  Z.  27,  p.  208,  N.  3  and  Fr. 
Miiller  in  Wien.  Ztschr.  f.  d.  K.  d.  Orients  I,  p.  223. 
It  is  of  some  interest  to  compare  with  these  forms  those 
of  the  Middle  Iranian  and  the  Modern  Iranian  dialects, 
viz.,  Pahlavi  htizvan^  Parsi  hizvan^  Mod.  Pers.  zaban^ 
{ziibdn^  znzvaji)^  Gabri  izviin  (Justi  in  ZDMG.  35,  p. 
414),  Kurd,  ezjndn^  Osset.  iizozag  (Hiibschmann,  Ety- 
mologic u.  Lautl.  d.  Osset.  Spr.,  p.  18),  Pamir  dial,  of 
Wachan  zi'k^  dial,  of  Sirikul  zw^  dial,  of  Shugnan 
zev^  (see  Tomaschek,  Centralasiat.  Studien  II,  Wien, 
1880),  Yigdhah  (or  Mungi)  zevir  (from  zevin  ?  see  Tom- 
aschek in  Bezz.  Beitr.  7,  p.  200),  Afghan  jiba.  Baluci 
zavd7t^  ztivdn  is  according  to  Geiger,  Lautlehre  des 
Baluci,  p.  68,  a  loan-w^ord  from  Mod.  Persian, 

Ajnncniaji.  Lczu  (Gen.  Iczui^  an  /-stem).  See  Benfey, 
Kl.  Schr.  I,  2,  p.  8,  and  Hiibschmann,  Armen,  Studien 

I,  P-  32. 

Latin.  In  addition  to  lingna.^  there  existed  in  Early 
Latin  the  form  dingita^  quoted  twice  by  Marius  Victor- 
see  sufficient  evidence  for  entirely  denying  to  jiihu'  the  meaning 
"tongue."  The  relation  of  the  meaning  "ladle"  and  "tongue"  is  seen 
in  Lat.  lingula  or  li(^ula,  "  spoon,  ladle,  skimmer,"  dimin.  oi  lingua 
"tongue  "  and  Ir.  Hagh,  "ladle"  =  Welsh  llwy,  "spoon,"  Bret,  loa, 
alongside  of  Ir.  //o-^/r  "tongue",  Welsh  Uyaiv  "to  lick,"  Bret.  leat(^cy. 
Stokes  in  K.  Beitr.  8,  p.323).  In  view  of  such  examples  it  is  hard  to 
believe  with  Bechtel,  Sinnl.  Wahrnehmungen,  (Weimar,  1879),  P- 
41  sq.,  that  juhu'  is  derived  from  root  hu,  "to  pour,"  and  is  not 
originally  connected  vi'x'Ca.  jihva' ^  "tongue." 


THK   ARYAN    NAME   OF   THE   TONGUE.  l8l 

inns  (4th  cent.,   A.   D.)  in   Keil's  Grammatici   Latini, 
Vol.  VI,  p.  9,  17,  and  p.  26,  2. 

Celtic.     There  are  two  words  in  Old  Irish  that  may 
belong   here,    viz.,    tenge,    Gen.    tengad  (a   /-stem,    see 
Zenss-Ebel,    p.   255  sqq. ;  Stokes  in  Bezz.   Beitr.   11,  p. 
88,  reckons  it  among  the  stems  in  -iat)  and  ligur  (in 
Cormac's  Glossary,  p.  26,  cp.  Stokes,   On  the  Bodleian 
fragm.    of    Cormac's    Glossary,    p.    8).'     It    has    been 
doubted,  however,   whether  either  of  the  two  may  be 
claimed  as  a  relative  of  Skt.  jihva!  and  Lat.  lingua,  ligur 
is  generally  held   to  be  connected  with  Skt.   /z/z-,  Gr. 
'>.dx<o,  Ir.  ligim  (see  Stokes  in  K.  Beitr.  8,  p.  323  ;  Win- 
disch   in  Curtius'    Greek  Etym.',    p.    194;    Brngmann, 
Grundriss  I,   p.   296,  383)  and  identified  with   Armen. 
lezu  and  IJvt.' Icziizvis  by  Hiibschmann,  Armen.  Studien 
I,  p.  32.     The  combination  of  tenge  with  Lat.  lingua 
(which  has  the  support,  e.  g. ,  of  Pick,  Vergl.  Worterb. 
'II,  p.    123,  and  *I,  p.  71)  is  rendered   doubtful  by   the 
initial  /  of  the  Irish  word,  for  which  we  should  rather 
expect  to  find  a  d.     Johansson,  in   Indog.   Forsch.    II, 
p.  4,  tries  to  meet  the  difficulty  by  presupposing  a  Prim. 
Aryan  form   *^flf«^/^2^^=Proto-Celtic  '^tng{zi)a.     Stokes, 
on  the  other  hand,  in  Pick's  Vergl.  Wtb.  *II,  p.  121, 
is  in  favor  of  abandoning  the  comparison  with  lingua 
by  connecting  /£?;z^^  with  Old  Irish  tongu,  "I  swear," 
and  Lat.  tangere,  "to  touch."     In  my  opinion  the  view 
held  by  Pick  and  Johansson  is  more  probable,  although 
I  doubt  whether  Johansson's  explanation  of  the  initial  /, 
ingenious  as  it  is,  finds  support  in  any  Aryan  language 

'Cp.  lii^air  -'v  tenga  in  Duil  Laithne.  From  ligur  is  derived  ligrad 
in  Forus  Focal,  Nr.  ^i=^lioghra,  O'Reilly.  See  Stokes,  On  the  metri- 
cal glossaries  of  the  Mediaeval  Irish  (in  Transactions  of  the  Philolog- 
ical Society  for  1891),  p.  81  (-^Bezz.  Beitr.  19,  p.  91). 


l82  PAPKRS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

other  than  Celtic.  We  shall  be  again  concerned  with 
this  latter  qnestion  later  on. 

TeiUoiiic.  Gothic  tiig^o  (Gen.  iiiggon-s)^  O.  Norse 
tunga  (Gen.  tiingu)^  Ag.  S.  tzinge  (Gen.  tiuigmi)^  Engl. 
tongue^  O.  Sax.  tunga  (Dat.  tiingiiii)^  O.  High  Germ. 
zitnga  (Gen.  zunguii)^  Mod.  Germ,  ziinge.  All  of  these 
words  are  "weak"  feminines,  i.  e.,  feminine  ;^-stems. 
It  is  of  importance  to  notice  the  genitives  (and  datives) 
in  *-??;?  in  O.  Norse,  O.  Sax.  and  O.  H.  G.,  whose  origin 
from  an  Aryan  form  ending  in  -/?-  has  been  recognized 
by  H.  Moller  in  Paul  &  Braune's  Beitr.  8,  p.  543  sq. 
The  original  inflection  in  Tentonic  seems  to  have  been: 
Nom.  ^  hi7ig{w)o^  '  Gen.  tiingun-s^  Dat.  &  Ace.  tiingfni. 
In  other  words,  the  inflection  of  the  word  for  "tongue" 
in  the  Teutonic  languages  is  built  upon  the  two  stems 
*  timgwo-n-  and  tiingn-n-^  which  are  parallel  to  the  pair 
jihva' :  jiihu' -\x\.  Sanskrit  or  hisvd-:  liisii-  in  the  Avesta. 

Slavonic.  O.  Slav,  jezykn  (Masc).  The  words  for 
"tongue  "  in  the  modern  Slavonic  languages  are  regular 
descendants  of  the  Old  Slavonic  form.  Especially  note- 
worthy among  these  are  the  Russian  and  the  Serbian 
words,  since  by  their  aid  the  Old  Slavonic  accent  may 
be  reconstructed.  Russ.  jasykfi  shows  that  the  accent 
originally  rested  on  the  second  syllable.  This  is  con- 
firmed by  Serb,  jezik^  since  the  accent  ^  in  Serbian  is 
always  a  secondary  accent,  found  on  the  syllable  which 
precedes  the  one  that  originally  bore  the  accent.     The 

^  The  w  may  have  been  lost  in  Primitive  Teutonic,  as  zi\  where  it 
was  kept  after  consonants  in  the  Prim.  Teut.  period,  is  generally  pre- 
served in  Gothic.  There  are,  however,  a  few  cases  in  which  za  must 
be  ascribed  to  Prim.  Teut.,  although  it  is  not  found  in  Gothic,  e.  g., 
Teut.  *prisku'an  "to  thrash  "  ^  O.  Norse  pryskva,  Goth,  priskan  (cp. 
Gr.  Tpil3u  for  *trizgvd,  Pick  in  Bezz.  Beitr.  7,  p.  95). 


THE   ARYAN    NAME   OF   THE   TONGUE.  183 

initial  gronpjes  has  been  explained  from  orig.  *di'j2-  by 
Bezzenberger  in  his  Beitr,  3,  p.  135.' 

Baltic.  Old  Pruss.  insjizvis  (Vocab.  94)  has  lost  the 
original  initial  dental  for  the  same  reason  as  Old  Slav. 
jezyku  (see  Bezzenberger,  1.  c).  Apart  from  this  differ- 
ence in  the  treatment  of  the  initial  consonant,  the  word 
agrees  with  Litnanian  /es/ncis,  and  is  to  be  regarded,  like 
the  latter,  as  a  mascnl.  y(7-stem.'"  Notice  the  following 
special  points  of  coincidence  between  Slavonic  and  Bal- 
tic (in  addition  to  those  phonetic  peculiarities  in  which 
the  two  branches  otherwise  agree):  i.  Both  point  to  an 
original  theme  in  -/?-,  not  in  -va-  (or  in  neither  of  the 
two  is  the  original  theme  in  -2Ja-  preserved).  2.  The 
gender  in  both  has  been  chang-ed  from  feminine  to 
masculine.  3.  The  original  initial  consonant  has  been 
dropped  in  all  of  the  Slavonic  and  in  part  of  the  Baltic 
dialects.  To  the  Primitive  Slavo-Baltic  period  may  be 
ascribed  the  two  forms,  hisff-  (for  df;L3tl-)  and  I'lisii- 
(=  Lit.  Icsitw-). 

^O.  Slav.  7£ ~j)'/('«  and  Pruss.  itisttzins  are  reckoned  by  Bezzenberger 
among  the  chief  evidences  for  a  Prim.  Aryan  syllabic  nasal  (in  dis- 
tinction from  reduced  vowel  +  nasal).  This  opinion,  which  for  some 
time  was  generally  adopted,  has  recently  been  combatted  by  Bechtel, 
Die  Hauptprobleme  der  indog.  Lautlehre,  p.  134  sq.  This  scholar 
denies  that  syllabic  nasals  or  syllabic  liquids  were  known  either  to  the 
Prim.  Aryan  or  to  the  Baltoslavic  period,  and  proposes  to  substitute 
in  both  cases  for  the  alleged  "sonant"  nasal  or  "sonant"  liquid  a 
combination  of  weak  vowel  +  nasal  or  weak  vowel  -j-  liquid.  Bech- 
tel's  conception  seems  to  me  on  the  whole  preferable,  at  least  in  re- 
gard to  the  nasals.  The  decision  of  this  question,  however,  is  not  of 
material  consequence  for  my  present  purpose,  and  I  have  for  this 
reason  retained  the  current  sign  >i  alongside  of  the  perhaps  more  cor- 
rect form  ^n. 

^In  Lettic  the  original  name  of  the  tongue  has  given  way  to  the 
word  mele  (a  fem.  yVz-stem,  see  Bielenstein,  Lett.  Spr.  2,  p.  46),  for 
which  an  etymology,  to  \\\y  knowledge,  has  not  yet  been  found. 


184  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB, 

How  are  we  to  discover  in  such  manifold  variation 
the  quality  of  the  ground  form  in  Primitive  Aryan  ? 
So  overwhelming  is  the  variety  of  forms,  and  so  per- 
plexing are  often  their  changes,  that  we  cannot  wonder 
that  several  scholars  have  so  despaired  of  the  task  of 
establishing  their  union  as  to  prefer  to  ascribe  to  Prim. 
Aryan  various  words  for  the  tongue.^  But  even  if  we 
were  willing  to  admit  that  Primitive  Aryan,  in  dis- 
tinction from  most  of  the  existing  languages,  may  have 
designated  the  tongue  by  more  than  one  name:  the  var- 
ious forms  that  we  should  have  to  ascribe  to  Prim. 
Aryan,  would  be  so  much  alike  in  their  sounds,  their 
accent  and  their  inflection,  that  it  would  seem  impos- 
sible to  deny  their  origin  from  one  and  the  same  word. 

The  chief  stumbling-block  in  the  way  of  those  who 

^e.  g.  Meringer  in  his  Beitrage  z.  Gesch.  d.  indog.  Decl.,  p.  3S 
sq.,    arrives    at   three    Prim.    Aryan    names,    viz.:    I.    ^  nghil.      II. 

*  d-nghva.  III.  *  s-ighvd  or  s-nghva.  But  he  has  not  taken  into 
account  the  z7  forms  OHG.  zungu-n-  and  ^\.\..  juhu'-  (Av.  hizu-).  In 
order  to  include  these,  Nr.  II.  ought  to  be  given  (from  Meringer's 
standpoint)  as  *  d  iighu  and  *  d-nghva,  and  Nr.  III.  as  *  s-ighu  and 

*  s-ighvd  or  *  s-nghu  and  *  s-n^hva.  Moreover  the  /-forms  (Arm. 
lezu,  Lat.  lingua,  Ir.  ligur.  Lit.  lezuwis),  which  Meringer  regards  as 
younger  developments,  are  probably  not  younger  than  the  forms 
upon  which   he  bases  his  Nr.   I. ;   so  that  we  may  add  a  Nr.   IV : 

*  l-nghu  and.  l-nghvd.  There  is  a  further  chance  for  increasing  the 
primitive  forms  of  this  kind  by  ascribing  to  Prim.  Aryan,  on  account 
of  Irish  tenge,  a  form  with  initial  I.  If  we  were  to  carry  on  the  same 
method  in  regard  to  other  differences,  (e.  g.,  in  regard  to  the  syllabic 
element  of  the  first  syllable),  there  would  be  no  end  of  Aryan  names 
of  the  tongue.  Still  all  of  these  would  agree  in  the  form  -nghti  or 
.nghva  (or  at  least  -ghti  and  -ghvd),  that  is  to  say,  in  everything  except 
the  first  or  the  two  first  sounds.  And  even  in  these  the  words  would 
be  very  much  alike,  as  the  first  sound  in  all  would  be  some  kind  of  a 
dental  (sometimes  assimilated  to  the  following  nasal),  and  the  second 
generally  a  syllabic  nasal. 


THE  ARYAN  NAME  OF  THE  TONGUE.      1 85 

denied  the  identity  of  Ski.  j'thva'  with  Lat.  lingua,  has 
been  the  initial  J  in  the  Indian  word.  Skt.  /',  it  is 
argued,  cannot  be  regarded  as  the  regular  descendant  of 
the  Prim.  Aryan  d^  which  is  presupposed  by  Lat.  dingua 
and  Goth,  tiiggo.  No  doubt  Prim.  Aryan  d  is  in  San- 
skrit generally  represented  not  byy'  but  by  d.  Yet  we 
ought  not  to  overlook  the  fact  that  the  second  syllable 
oijihva'  200.6.  juhfi' -  begins  with  a/rt/^/(7/spirant,  through 
whose  influence  the  initial  dental  media  of  the  first 
syllable  may  have  been  replaced  by  the  palatal  media  /. 
In  favor  of  this  view  we  may  cite  the  well-known  words 
in  which  in  Sanskrit  initial  dental  and  palatal  sibilants 
of  neighboring  syllables  have  attracted  each  other,  e.  g. , 
gvdgu?-as  for  '^sva-giiras  =  Lat.  socer,  Germ.  Schwahei^; 
gvagru's  for  ^sva-gru's  =  Lat.  socrus^  Germ.  Schzmcger; 
gagas  m.  "hare"  for  ga-sds  =  Q^i\n..  Hase,  etc.  (see  e.  g. , 
Bartholomae,  Ar.  Forsch.  I,  p.  79,  note  i,  and  p.  105, 
note  14;  Osthoff,  Z.  Gesch.  d.  Perf.,  p.  494  sqq.)  More- 
over the  change  of  ^dihva'  \x\jiJiva'  has  an  exact  parallel 
in  that  of  *dihi)td  =  Or.  6ox^t6c  "slanting"  into ji/und  (see 
Pott,  Etym.  Forsch."  II,  3,  p.  224  —  who,  however, 
wrongly  explains  Gr.  6oxnk  by  dissimilation  from  *yoxii6q 
—  and  Bugge  in  KZ.  19,  p.  422).' 

I  cannot  bring  myself  to  the  conclusion  that  this  ex- 
planation is  less  satisfactory  or  less  probable  than  the 
one  proposed  by  Bartholomae  in  KZ.  27,  p.  207  sqq.  (cp. 
also   his  Ar.   Forsch.   3,   p.    t^j,  note),  and  adopted    by 

^  Notice  in  regard  to  the  palatal  ni  jihvd',  ji/ima,  j'yok  ' '  a  long  time  " 
from  *dyok,  and  j'yut  "to  shine  "  =  dyitt,  Bloomfield's  remark,  Amer. 
Journ.  of  Phil.  7,  p.  482:  "In  all  the  cases  the  change  occurs  before 
i,  and  is  to  be  regarded  as  an  exhibition  of  palatalization,  in  principle 
the  same  with  corresponding  changes  in  the  Pali-Prakrit  dialects. " 
Comp.  also  Johansson  in  IF.  II,  p.  3,  note. 


l86  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

Meringer,  Beitr.  z.  Gesch.  d.  idg.  Decl.,  p.  38,  and  — with 
some  modifications  —  by  Johansson  in  IF.  II,  p.  2.  In 
claiming  that  Skt.  jiJiva'  and  Avest.  Jiizva  ought  to  be 
derived  from  a  common  Indo-Iranian  basis  '^sizJiva' 
(=Prim.  Ar.  "^sigJivU')^  Bartholomae  assumed  an  assim- 
ilation of  the  alleged  Prim.  Indo-Iranian  form  (for 
which  we  should  expect  in  Sanskrit  '^'sihva')  to  Primitive 
Indian  "^'zizhva' ^  whence  we  finally  arrive  at  S^\..  jihvu'. 
OsthofF,  Z.  Gesch.  d.  Perf.,  p.  503,  rightly  objected  that 
if  there  was  in  Sanskrit  a  tendency  toward  such  an  as- 
similation, we  ought  to  find,  e.  g.,  a  form  '^jah  instead 
of  Skt.  sah  or  "^jaJidsravi  instead  of  Skt.  sahdsram. 
Meringer,  indeed  (1.  c),  tries  to  meet  this  objection  by 
ascribing  the  s  of  sah  to  the  analogical  influence  of  forms 
like  dsdks-i  Siwd^  perhaps,  sa'dhr^  and  that  of  sahdsram  to 
the  influence  of  sakh.  But  is  it  probable  that  the  num- 
eral for  1000  should  hesitate  to  undergo  a  phonetic 
change  for  the  reason  that  this  change  would  deprive  it 
of  its  similarity  with  an  adverb'  which  means  "once" 
or  "at  once?"  And  is  it  probable  that  the  few  aorist- 
forms  of  sah-  and  the  isolated  participle  sd'dhr-  ^  should 
have  influenced  the  whole  verbal  system  of  the  root  sah 
and  the  long  series  of  nouns  connected  with  this  verb? 
Instances  like  the  nominative  sd't  (RV.  I,  63,  3)  or  the 
compounds  in  sCi't  {jand-sd' t^  piii'd-sd' t^  iiird-sd'i^  etc.)^ 
do  not  seem  to  imply  that  the  Indians  were  very  anxious 

to  keep  the  5  in  sah  unchanged.  Meringer,  in  fact,  has 
■< 

^This  adverb,  by  the  way,  is  fouud  in  the  Rigveda  uine  times,  while 
sahdsra,  with  its  compounds,  occurs  several  hundred  times. 

^This  participle  is  found  in  a  single  passage  of  the  RV.  (V,  56,  23), 
where  its  nominative  is  spelled  sd'lha. 

^Cp.  Benfey,  Die  Quantitats-versch.  in  den  Samhita-  u.  Pada-Texten, 
V,  I  Abt.  (Gott.,  iSSo),  p.  14. 


THE  ARYAN  NAME  OF  THE  TONGUE.      187 

in  my  opinion  failed  in  his  attempt  to  explain  the  .v  in 
cases  like  sa/i  and  saJiasrani  by  analoo^y.  The  assimila- 
tion supposed  by  Bartholomae  to  exist  in  jihv(i\  so  far 
from  being  based  upon  any  strict  phonetic  law,  can  only 
be  regarded  as  a  sporadic  phonetical  change.  I,  for  my 
part,  do  not  entertain  any  theoretical  objection  to  pho- 
netic changes  of  this  kind.  Yet  would  anything  be 
gained  in  our  case  by  granting  the  exceptional  assimila- 
tion assumed  by  Bartholomae?  It  seems  to  me  that,  in- 
stead of  explaining  the  similarity  between  the  words  for 
"tongue"  in  Indo-Iranian  and  in  the  European  lan- 
guages, it  would  make  this  similarity  the  more  myster- 
ious ;  and  instead  of  obviating  the  difficulty  found  in 
the  initial  consonant  of  the  Indian  and  the  Iranian 
forms,  it  would  carry  this  difficulty  over  into  the  Primi- 
tive Aryan  period. 

I  could  more  readily  agree  with  Johansson's  explana- 
tion (1.  c),  in  that  it  at  least  avoids  separating  the  Indo- 
Iranian  from  the  European  name  of  the  tongue. 
Johansson  starts  from  a  Prim.  Aryan  form  *  zdughn-^ 
or  *  zdnghvd  (based  especially  upon  O.  Ir.  tcngc)^ 
from  which  he  proceeds  through  an  intermediate  form 
'^zitghu-^  *  svghvd  to  Indo-Iranian  '^sizhu-^  '^zizhva. 
From  the  latter  form  he  proposes  to  derive,  on  the  one 
hand,  Skt.  jihvd  (by  an  intermediate  form  *  siz/ivd^  in 
which  the  two  sibilants  were  assimilated),  on  the  other 
hand,  Iranian  liizvd  ("perhaps"  b}-  an  intermediate 
form  *  sizlivd).'^ 

My  objections  to  this  theory  are  as  follows:  i.  A  Prim. 
Aryan  form  '^zdnglin-  with  initial  z  seems  to  me  not 
sufficiently  warranted  by  the  Irish  word  ienge.     Even 

'  Conip.  the  similar  explanation  of  hizva  proposed  b}-  Bechtel, 
Sinnl.  Wabruehm.,  p.  42. 


i88 


PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 


in  Irish  there  is  no  other  example  for  initial  /  from  z^d^ 
and  with  the  rest  of  the  European  languages  initial  s 
seems  to  agree  so  little  that  Johansson  himself  is  obliged 
to  admit  in  the  case  of  these  a  parallel  form  without  z. 
In  presupposing  an  earlier  form  *  denge^  I  prefer  to  hold 
that  Irish  t  is  an  irregular  phonetic  change.  I  know 
that  the  scientific  code  of  most  of  the  philologists  of  the 
present  time  does  not  allow  of  any  individual  exceptions 
from  so-called  phonetic  laws.  Still  exceptions  of  this 
kind  are  frequently  met  with  in  every  language.  E.  g., 
all  of  the  changes  generally  comprehended  under  the 
name  of  "popular  etymology,"  are,  looked  at  from  a 
purely  phonetical  standpoint,  exceptions  from  the  regu- 
lar phonetic  laws.  Another  group  of  words  in  which 
exceptional  phonetic  changes  occur  very  frequently  con- 
sists of  abbreviated  proper  names,  e.  g.,  in  English:^ 


Bill  =  William. 
Bob  =  Robert. 
Dick  ^  Richard. 
Dolly  ==  Dorothea. 
Fanny  =  Frances. 
Harry,  Hal  =  Henry. 
Harriet  =  Henrietta. 
Jack  =  John. 
Jim  ^  James  (Jacob). 
Kate,  Kitty  =  Katherine. 
Kit  =  Christopher,   Chris- 
tian. 
Maggy,  Meg  =  Margaret. 
Matty  =  Martha. 


Maud  =  Magdalen,  Matilda. 
Moll,  Molly  =  Maria. 
Nan,       Nanny,      Nancy  := 

Anna. 
Ned  =  Edward. 
Nell  =  Helena. 
Noll  ==  Oliver. 
Pad,  Paddy  =  Patrick. 
Pat,  Patty,  Patsy  =  Martha. 
Peg,  Peggy  =  Margaret. 
Poll,  Polly  =  Maria. 
Sal,  Sally  =  Sarah. 
Ted  =  Edward. 
Wat  =  Walter. 


^My  collegue,  Dr.  H.  W.  Smyth,  who  has  been  kind  enough  to 
look  over  the  manuscript  of  this  paper,  has  called  my  attention  to  a 
paper  by  Mr.  C.  P.  G.  Scott,  in  the  forthcoming  number  of  the  Trans- 


THE    ARYAN    NAME    OK    THE   TONGUE.  189 

It  would  be  erroneous,  liowever,  to  confine  irregulari- 
ties in  sound-shifting  to  these  two  classes.  Their  field 
is  perhaps  as  unlimited  as  that  of  regular  phonetic 
changes,  although  we  nia)-  naturally  expect  that  the  in- 
stances in  which  the  common  rules  are  observed  will 
always  outnumber  those  of  the  exceptions.  Suffice  it 
for  my  present  purpose  to  quote  a  few  examples  which 
are  etymologically  clear,  and  in  which  the  irregularity 
cannot  apparently  be  gainsaid.  In  Old  High  German, 
alongside  of  the  regular  forms,  thuszint  and  dusent^ 
"thousand"  (=  Goth. //7j-//;/«'z',  Ag,  S.  piisend^  etc.),  is 
found  the  irregular  tusrut^  on  which  Mod.  Germ,  tim- 
send  is  based.  The  verb  "to  thaw"  (Ag.  S.  pdivan,  O. 
Norse  pcyjd)^  is  in  O.  H.  G.  regularly  doinvcti,  but  in 
M.  H.  G. — by  an  irregular  change  of  d  into  / — becomes 
toiiwen.^  and  is  accordingly  Mod.  Germ,  taiioi.  A  luore 
recent  change  oi d  into  t  is  observed  in  Mod.  Ger.  Triim- 
wr;'=M.  H.  G.  and  O.  H.  G.  dr^nn,  ]\Iod.  Germ,  toscn 
=  M.  H.  G.  dosen,  O.  H.  G.  dosbn^  and  a  few  other 
words  (see  Wilmanns'  Deutsche  Gramm.  I,  p.  70).  In 
the  Mod.  Low  German  dialect  of  Waldeck  the  words  for 
"father"  and  mother,"  whose  common  Low  Gernian 
form  is  fader  and  judder^  (or  Didder)^  have,  by  a  change 
otherwise  unheard-of  in  this  dialect,  passed  into  fater 
and  luoter.  In  Mod.  Germ.  Hirsdi  and  Hirsc  an  irreg- 
ular shifting  of  the  sibilants  is  noticed.  The  regular 
forms  would  be  "'"Hirs  (=  ]\I.  H.  G.  hirs)  and  ^'Hirsc/ie 
(=  M.  H.  G.  hirsc),  as  is  clear  from  a  comparison  of  e. 
g.  Here  =  IM.  H.   G.   hcrse  and  hcrrschcn  =^  AI.    H.   G. 

actions  of  the  Amer.  Philol.  Society,  which  deals  with  these  abbrevi- 
ated names. 

'The  regular  form  douwen,  however,  is  kept  in  IVI.  II.  G.  in  the 
meaning  "to  digest,"  Mod.  Germ,  irr-daue?!. 


190  PAPERS    OF    THE    ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

hei'sen.  The  initial  group  spj-  is  in  Anglo-Saxon  and 
English  generally  kept  {to  spring  =  Germ,  springen^  to 
spread ^(^&x\\\.  spreitoi^  etc.),  but  has  lost  its  r  in  Ag. 
S.  spccan  =  Engl,  to  speak  (found  in  Ag.  S.  alongside 
of  spreca 71  =  Germ,  spreclieii)} 

As  in  examples  like  these  irregular  phonetic  changes 
are  taking  place,  as  it  were,  before  our  eyes,  I  cannot 
see  any  sufficient  reason  for  excluding  irregularities  from 
the  development  of  sounds  in  pre-liistoric  times.  And  I 
would  prefer  the  explanation  of  O.  Ir.  tenge  from  '^dcnge^ 
by  an  irregular  change,  to  that  from  "^ zdenge  by  an  al- 
leged regular  change,  so  long  as  no  definite  traces  of  an 
initial  zd  have  been  found  in  other  Aryan  languages. 

2.  Johansson  indeed  claims  (1.  c. ,  p.  2),  that  a  prim, 
form  with  initial  sd  is — at  least  to  some  extent — sup- 
port.ed  also  by  Indo-Iranian.  Yet  I  doubt  whether  by  pre- 
supposing, as  he  does,  an  Indo-Iranian  prim,  form  '^  zizhu 
or  *  zi'zhva^  the  forms  are  sufficiently  explained  which  we 
actually  find  in  Indian  and  more  especially  in  Iranian. 
The  change  in  Iranian  of  voiced  z  into  //,  the  regular 
descendant  of  tinvoiced  s^  would  be  without  a  parallel. 
Moreover  the  sound  z  is  found  to  a  large  extent  as  the 
representative  in  Iranian  of  Prim.  Aryan  palatals  and 
sibilants.  Certainly  we  should  expect  Johansson's 
primitive  Indo-Iranian  form  to  have  become  in  Iranian 
nothing  else  but  '^zizTi-^  '^zizva. 

3.  Johansson's  theory  would  lead  to  presupposing  not 
one,  but  two  primitive  words  for  the  tongue,  viz.,  the 

^Kluge,  Etym.  AVorterb  d.  ulid.  Sprache,  s.  v.  sprechcn,  tries  to  ac- 
count for  the  loss  of  r  in  Ag.  S.  specan  by  presupposing  a  Germanic 
root  "spek.'"  But  M.  H.  G.  spehten,  io  which  he  refers,  belongs  to 
M.  H.  G.  spahen  and  is  not  originally  connected  with  sprechen.  Nor 
can  I  agree  with  Kluge's  derivation,  of  Mod.  Germ.  Spitk  from  sprechcn. 


THE    ARYAN    NAME    OF   THE    TONGUE.  I9I 

one  with  an  initial  sibilant  and  another  one  without  this 
sibilant.  In  my  opinion,  it  is  donbtfnl  whether  dupli- 
cates of  this  kind  were  known  to  the  Prim.  Aryan 
tongue,  although  their  existence  in  that  language  is 
generally  agreed  upon.  It  is  true  that  in  several  in- 
stances an  initial  s  is  found  in  one  or  more  than  one  of 
the  Aryan  languages,  for  whose  origin  we  are  unable  to 
account.  Yet  is  anything  gained  by  ascribing  to  Prim- 
itive Aryan  in  such  cases  both  the  existence  of  the  s  and 
its  non-existence,  thus  making  that  period  the  scape- 
goat for  the  lack  of  our  knowledge?  Such  an  explana- 
tion would  be  possible  if  any  conditions  were  recogniz- 
able in  Primitive  Arvan  leading  to  an  interchancre  of 
forms  with  and  without  .t,  or  if  a  tendency  were  apparent 
in  some  of  the  Aryan  languages  to  preserve,  and  in  others 
to  lose,  the  s.  But  as  the  matter  stands,  the  treatment 
of  initial  j-  would  not  be  in  harmony  with  the  rules  of 
Prim,  Aryan  Sandhi  ;  and  its  preservation  or  its  loss  in 
the  single  Aryan  languages  would  seem  not  less  arbi- 
trary should  we  start  from  a  double  Aryan  form  than  if 
we  presupposed  in  each  case  a  single  primitive  form  (be 
it  a  form  with  or  without  initial  s).  The  theory  of  Prim. 
Aryan  double  forms,  differing  in  an  initial  sibilant,  is, 
in  brief,  ground  too  ;insafe  to  build  upon. 


If  we  reject  the  theories  by  which  the  Aryan  name  of 
the  tongue  is  considered  as  beginning  with  a  sibilant, 
and  equate  Skt.  j/Z/zxl'  with  *dz7w(l\  are  we  obliged  to  re- 
tain the  prim,  form  ^'dijgJiva\  a  form  usually  accepted 
by  scholars  at  the  present  time  (cp.,  e,  g. ,  Fick,  Vgl. 
Wtb.  ^I,  p.  71)?  I  think  not.  There  is  no  other  word 
in  which  an  initial  Prim.  Aryan  c/  has  assumed,  in  the 
single  Aryan   languages,  so  many  various  forms  as  are 


192  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

found  ill  the  initial  sounds  of  the  words  for  "tongue." 
Although  this  variety  may  to  some  extent  be  attributed 
to  the  peculiar  sequence  of  sounds  {d-n-gJi)  found  in  the 
first  syllable  of  our  word,  yet  it  is  perhaps  more  prob- 
able that  the  Proteus-like  initial  sound  was  other  than 
d.  There  is  in  particular  one  group  of  words  that 
seems  to  call  for  a  different  explanation,  viz.,  those  with 
initial  /.•  Armen.  lezti^  Lat.  lingua^  Old  Irish  hgiir^  Lit. 
leziiwis.  It  is  generally  held  that  in  these  instances  the 
word  for  "tongue"  was  influenced  by  the  Old  Aryan 
verb  ^Ieigh{e)-:  ligh{c)-^  "to  lick,"  found  in  Armen. 
lizum^  leziun^  Lat.  lingere^  Old  Irish  ligim^  Lit.  leziii. 
Of  course,  there  is  a  distinct  parallelism  between  the 
two  groups,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  noun  meaning 
"tongue"  has  in  these  instances  been  influenced  by  the 
verb  meaning  "to  lick."  Yet  analogical  changes  in 
form  cannot,  as  is  well  known,  be  explained,  as  a  rule, 
by  mere  resemblance  in  meaning.  In  addition  to  the 
similar  meaning  (the  general  likeness,  as  it  were,  in  the 
inner  form)  some  special  agreement  in  outside  form  is 
required,  and  it  is  by  the  united  action  of  the  two  that  a 
further  approach  in  form  is  achieved.  Now  if  we  were 
to  assume  the  Aryan  word  for  "tongue"  to  have  been 
^dnghvri\  the  only  point  of  agreement  with  the  verb 
*l-ig/i{e)-,  leighie)-^  would  have  been  the  aspirated  media 
gh.  I  doubt  whether  this  minute  likeness  would  have 
been  powerful  enough  to  produce  independently,  in  four 
different  languages,  by  means  of  analogy,  one  and  the 
same  radical  change.  It  seems  preferable  and  almost 
necessary  to  presuppose  that,  from  the  outset,  a  closer 
similarity  was  found  between  the  noun  and  the  verb. 
If  this  is  granted  it  will  easily  be  seen  that  there  is  only 
one  way  of  solving  the  problem,  viz.,  by  admitting  the 


THE    ARYAN    NAME    OF   THE   TONGUE.  I93 

/  in  Lat.  lingua^  etc.  to  be  of  an  early  date  and  the 
name  of  the  tongue  to  have  been  Prim.  Ar3'an  *dlnghva' 
(resp.  dh/gJm'-)  or  perhaps  more  exactly  (cp.  above  p. 
183,  note)  '^-dl'^ughva'  (resp.  dl^jtghu'-).  In  the  sing-le 
Aryan  languages  accordingly  either  the  d  or  the  follow- 
ing /  was  lost,  the  result  being  in  the  former  instance 
*l'^7ighvd'  (=Lat.  lingua^  Old  Ir.  l'igiii\  etc.),  in  the  lat- 
ter instance  d^lighvd'  (=Lat.  dingua^  Old  Ir.  tcnge^ 
etc.).  This  double  set  of  forms  reminds  us  of  the  Aryan 
name  for  another  part  of  the  body,  viz.,  the  liver,  where 
part  of  the  Aryan  languages  point  to  a  prim,  form  '^yi^qr 
(=Skt.  yakrt^  Old  Iran,  yakare^  Gr.  '/-«/-,  Lat.  jcair^ 
Lit.  jeknos^  pi.),  the  other  part  to  a  prim,  form  '^liqr 
(=Arm.  leard^  OHG.  lebara^  Ag.S.  lifcr)^  while  the 
original  form  was  probably  '^lyeqr  with  both  /  and  )'. 

In  the  case  of  the  word  for  "tongue"  we  are  fortu- 
nate in  finding  one  or  two  words  in  which  both  of  the 
initial  consonants  are  kept,  the  dental,  however,  having 
been  transformed  into  a  guttural.  These  words  are 
Greek  y'/Mcca  (or  ;/«iT(Ta)  and  perhaps  Albanian  (Toscan) 
guh^  {=.  Gegan  gi±hf ,  Calabr.  gl'uj^ ,  Sicil.  gl'iinz^ , 
comp.  G.  Meyer,  Albanes.  Worterb. ,  p.  142,  s.  v.  giiari). 


There  are  in  Albanian  several  words  in  which  initial 
g'  is  found  alongside  o^ gl\  the  two  forms  varying  with 
different  dialects.  I  follow  Gustav  Meyer  (Albanes. 
Studien  III,'  Vienna,  1892,  p.  9),  in  assuming  that  in 
these  instances  z^'  is  the  more  orioinal  sound.  This 
seems  certain,  e.  g. ,  in  the  case  of  the  words  for  "knee," 
Toscan  g2in\  Gegan  gnui^  Greek  and  ^\q\\. gl' iiri^  where 

'Sitzungsberichte  d.  K.  Akademie  d.  Wiss.  in  Wieii,  Bd.  CXXV, 
Abh.  II. 


194  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

the  /  is  endorsed  by  Old  Ir.  gliin  "  knee"  (see  G.  Meyer, 
Alb.  Wtb.,  p.  142 V 

The  variety  of  the  intermediate  consonants  in  gnht  ^ 
gl'tr/E  and  gl'iinse  finds  a  parallel  in  the  words  for 
"roof":  Tosc.  strehe ^  Ital.  Alb.  str'eje  and  slrcsi  (G. 
Meyer,  Alb.  Wtb.,  394).  As  strese  is  explained  by  G. 
Meyer  from  *  strej^z^ ,  we  may  conclude  from  this  paral- 
lel that  the  difference  in  both  cases  is  probably  not  pho- 
netic merely,  gl'imz^  may  likewise  be  traced  back  to 
* gl'imye-ze  and  regarded  as  a  diminutive,  formed  by  the 
ending  ~ze  ^  which  in  Albanian  is  frequently  met  with  ; 
comp.  pii'xizt  (Cal.  Sic.)=/>?/,t''  f-  "air,  draught,"  'sohzt 
^soke  f.  "woman's  girdle,"  so/^ze  =^soh  f.  "sole,  san- 
dal," tsabjez£=  tsabji:^  tsah^Ji:  "sword,"  vasez^  {vaizs ^ 
varz^)=  vah  "maid,  girl,"  bez^zt  ("mit  doppelter 
Dem.-Endung,"  G.  Meyer,  Alb.  Wtb.,  2i)  =  b:\  bah^ 
"sling"  and  many  others.  The  7  of  Calabr.  gl'int 
seems  in  that  dialect  to  be  the  regular  representative  of 
an  earlier  intermediate  h,  comp.  e.  g.,  tsoyi^  "woolen 
cloth,  shawl"  =  Tosc.  tsohe^  Geg.  tsoho.  Mod.  Gr.  rdo^ro, 
Turk,  tsoha  (G.  Meyer,  Wtb.,  442)  and  I'eyoni  "child- 
bed" =  Tosc.  I'ehom^  Mod.  Gr.  "^^tx^via  (ibid.,  240.) 

The  forms  of  the  different  Albanian  dialects  may  then 
be  traced  back  to  a  common  basis  ^/'//;//^^.  If  we  admit 
in  the  case  of  this  form  a  substitution  of  ^/'  for  dl\  sim- 
ilar to  the  one  found  in  Sicil.  ghgoii  (Cal.  geg'sn^  Geg. 

'  These  words  may  be  connected  with  the  Old  Aryan  name  of 
"  knee  "  {^^\X.  ja'mi,  jnu-,  Gr.  yow-,  yvv-,  Lat.  genu,  etc.),  if  we  assume 
that  in  both  Old  Iri^  and  Albanian  glun-  arose  by  dissimilation  from 
gnun-.  Comp.  Lit.  lendr'e  f.  and  lendrhi'e  i.=ne?idre  andnendr'nte 
"reed,  cane;"  Lit.  glinda  from  *gninda  and  Lat.  lens,  G.  lendis  from 
*{c)nens,  *[c)7ie7tdis=  novi^,  G.  kovISoc  "nit;"  Lat.  luscinia  for  *nns- 
cinia,  i.e.  *noctis-cinia  "nightingale"  (Pott  in  Bezz.  B.  8,  p- 56)  ; 
sterquilinium  for  * sterquininimn,  etc. 


THE   ARYAN    NAME   OF   THE   TONGUE.  195 

pt.  g'cg'iin^  pass,  g'cg'eni)  =  ndVegmi^  ndd'gbn^  delgon^ 
"to  hear"  from  Lat.  iutelligere  {(^.  Meyer,  1.  c,  67), 
we  arrive  at  "^dl'tmh^  or  earlier  ^dlunhd  (since  initial 
cons.  4-  /'  regularly  replaces  Prim.  Aryan  cons.  -I  // 
and  e  is  the  regular  form  of  the  Prim.  Ar.  ending  -n). 
This  form  bears  sucl)  a  close  similarity  to  the  Prim. 
Aryan  groundform  ^dl^'nghva  that  it  seems  scarcely  pos- 
sible to  deny  their  inter-connection. 

There  are,  however,  two  phonetic  changes  assumed 
in  this  etymology  for  which  an  explanation  is  required, 
viz. :  that  of  orig.  l^n  into  Albanian  hin  and  that  of 
orig.  ghv  into  x-llb.  //. 

The  spirant  h  is  found  as  a  representative  of  Prim. 
Aryan  gh  in  Alb,  I' eh  "easy"  =  Skt.  raghn-^  Gr. 
i'AaxLx^  etc. ;  see  G.  Meyer,  Alb.  Stud.  3,  p.  10  sq.  The 
orig.  g/i  here  belongs  to  the  Prim.  Aryan  "velar" 
series,  while  in  the  word  for  "tongue,"  it  belongs  to 
the  Prim.  Aryan  palatal  series.  This  distinction,  how- 
ever, is  counterbalanced  by  the  fact  that  in  the  word  for 
"tongue"  g/i  is  followed  by  v.  It  seems  possible  to 
assume  that  the  group  palatal  +  z>  in  our  word  passed 
into  the  velar  series  in  the  same  way  as  in  Greek  Prim. 
Aryan  *i'cvo-s^  "horse,"  was  changed  into  *  eqo-s  = 
i-TTof,  and  Prim.  Aryan  '^cvant-  "every,  all"  into 
*  qarit-  =  -dv--.- 

The  i(  in  g'liiii-  for  Prim.  Aryan  dl^n-  I  regard  as  the 
representative  of  a   Prim.    Aryan   weak  vowel.      This 

•  See  G.  Meyer,  Alb.  Stud.  3,  p.  77. 

^The  irregular  k  in  Old  Slav,  svekrii  "socer, "  ^  Lituan.  szcszuras, 
may  be  similarly  explained  from  the  group  palatal  -|-  u.  Old  Slav. 
svekry  "socrus"  apparently  adopted  the  guttural  of  svekrii,  while  in 
Gothic  Sivaihra  "  socer  "  received  its  /i  (instead  of  /nt  =  orig.  cii)  from 
swailird  "socrus." 


196  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

assumption  may  at  first  sight  seem  to  be  at  variance 
with  the  fact  that  Prim.  Aryan  weak  vowels  (or  vowels 
developed  from  Prim.  Aryan  syllabic  liquids)  are  in 
Albanian  generally  represented  by  i ;  comp.  the  ex- 
amples (given  by  G.  Meyer,  Alb,  Stud.  3,  p.  78  sq.)  of 
Alb.  rz'=  Prim.  Ar.  ^\  The  apparent  contradiction, 
however,  may  be  removed  by  assuming  that  gl'uu-  re- 
places an  earlier  form  '^gl'in-  and  that  it  instead  of  i  is 
due  to  the  influence  of  the  preceding  /',  as  in  Alb.  I'ltt- 
=  Gr.  'kiroj.im  or  in  I'ul'e  f.  =  Lat.  lilnnn^  (see  G.  Meyer, 
Alb.  Wtb.,  p.  250  s.  V.  I'ul'e  and  Alb.   Stud.   3,   p.  28). 


•We  may  now  consider  Greek  y/Lwofra  and  ■)7.aaaa.  Every 
etymology  of  these  words  must  start  from  the  fact  that 
in  Greek  itself  there  are  several  nouns  which  in  both 
form  and  meaning  are  closely  related  to  y^Maaa.  These 
nouns  are  the  plural  yPiw^tef  "beard  of  corn"  (Hesiod 
Scut.  398),  and  the  feminine  f/uxiv-  "point  of  an  arrow, 
end  of  a  yoke-strap"'^  with  its  compounds  raw^P.wjw, 
"with  long  point,"  rpiyi^^x^v^  "three-barbed,  three- 
forked,"  jrt?./to-ZwY"',  "with  point  or  barbs  of  brass." 
The  similarity  between  these  words  is  generall}^  ex- 
plained by  presupposing  an  early  root  v^x-  "to  be 
pointed."  In  my  opinion,  they  are  derived  from  a 
basis  y'^Mx-  "tongue,"  which,  by  a  change  in  suflix  or 
in  inflection,  originated  from  the  Prim.  Aryan  name  of 
the  tongue.  I  adopt  this  view  for  the  reason  that 
no  certain  trace  of  the  alleged  root  y'^^x-  has  been  met 

'The  latter  example  would  have  to  be  dropped,  if  G.  Meyer's 
identification  (Alb.  Stud.  3,  p.  92)  of /'«/V  with  'Lai.  Jioreni  is  prefer- 
able to  his  former  etymology. 

^According  to  Hesychios  s.  v.  ylux'^va  (y?Mxtva-  ri/v  yuvlav  rov  fteXovg. 
— Kin  y?.c)aa<iv.  Kai  iiKpov)  it  may  also  mean  "tongue." 


THE  ARYAN  NAME  OF  THE  TONGUE.      197 

with  outside  of  Greek/  and  that  in  Greek  itself  we  find 
vocables  that  are  undoubtedly  derived  from  the  word 
for  "tongue"  with  a  similar  meaning  to  those  men- 
tioned above.  E.  g.  y'^-unr/ic  (as  sometimes  yiMcsa  itself) 
may  mean  "the  end  of  a  (shoe-)  strap  (see  Lobeck  ad 
Phryn.,  229)  and  -,/.ucciifia  is  quoted  from  Aischylos  (frg. 
141  =  schol.  Pind.  N.  6,  85)  in  the  phrase  y'/Mcaijua  K('i,iaKoq 
"the  pointed  end  of  a  pole.'"  But  whether  the  one  or 
the  other  conception  is  adhered  to  :  in  either  case  this 
comparison  entitles  us  to  explain  the  ^r;  in  -//rjcaa  from 

Let  us  now  turn  to  y'/Maaa,^  Until  very  recently  this 
form  was  known  only  by  one  or  two  quotations  of  an- 
cient lexicographers.      In  the  Etymol.  Magn.,  p.  558,  50, 

'  Brugniann  in  Curt.  Stud.  7,  p.  291,  derived  Greek  y'^MX-  from  root 
kark,  which  he  explained  by  "broken  reduplication  "  from  root  kar ; 
while  Bechtel,  Sinnl.  Wahrnehm.,  p.  23,  equated  j'^^ux-  with  the  root 
ghalgh  (amplified  from  ghal).  I  doubt,  however,  whether  these 
scholars  adhere  to  their  earlier  etymologies,  as  neither  Brugmann  in 
his  "  Grundriss,"  nor  Bechtel  in  his  "  Hauptprobleme  "  refers  to  his 
former  opinion.  Suffice  it  to  say,  whether  we  followed  the  one  or  the 
other,  we  should  expect  to  find  in  Greek  initial  n/-  instead  of  7/. 

^It  is  noteworthy  that  Lat.  li{n)gula  shares  the  meanings  "end  of 
a  shoe-strap,"  and  "pointed  end  of  a  pole." 

*The  origin  of  y^Moaa  from  y^Iox^a  is,  to  my  knowledge,  generally 
approved  of  except  by  Wiedemann,  who  in  KuLm's  Ztschr.  ^sli^  p. 
164,  proposes  to  derive  y'/.uaaa  from  *gl6dhid.  This  he  compares  with 
O.  Irish  ad-gladur  "to  speak."  But  the  origin  in  Irish  oi  glad-  is 
so  doubtful  (it  may  be  explained  from  *glad,  or  *ghldd,  or  *gl(idh, 
or  *ghlddh,  or  *glod,  ov*g/ildd,  or  *glddh  or* ghlodh')  that  it  is  scarcely 
advisable  to  base  an  etymology  of  a  Greek  word  on  the  Irish  verb 
alone.  Moreover,  Wiedemann's  etymology  is  improbable  for  the 
reason  that  in  the  Aryan  languages  nouns  meaning  "tongue"  are 
not  as  a  rule  derived  from  verbs  meaning  "  to  speak." 

*  Comp.  for  the  sources  in  which  y/.fwca  is  found  and  for  its  accent 
especially  R.  Meister,  Die  Mimiamben  des  Herodas,  p.  698  sq. 


198       PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

yluaaa-  yMcna    is    mentioned   S.    V.    'Aalfboq,       The    gloss    ylnanuv. 

ficjpdr  avova-arog  (whicli,  of  course,  presupposcs  the  exist- 
ence of  ylaaaa)  is  handed  down  by  Zonaras,  p.  439. 
These  statements  have  been  confirmed  by  the  papyrus 
in  which  the  poems  of  Herondas,  or  Herodas  (who  lived 
in  the  3d  cent.  B.  C),  were  discovered/  In  these  the 
word  y^Mcca  is  found  no  less  than  seven  times  (III.  84,  93, 
V.  8,  37,  VI.  16,  VII.  jj^  no),  so  that  there  cannot  be 
any  doubt  as  to  its  authenticity.^  Since  Herondas  uses 
the  Ionic  dialect  (see  Meister,  p.  771),  the  form  yUaaa  is 
to  be  regarded  as  Ionic.  In  this  dialect,  however,  the 
form  y7Aaaa  was  not  exclusively  used,  as  yiuaaa  occurs,  e. 
g.,  in  Homer,  in  Herodotos,  in  Hippokrates  and  in  an 
inscription  from  Miletos  (Bechtel,  Die  Inschriften  des 
ionischen  Dialekts,  Gottingen,  1887,  Nr.  100  ;  comp. 
Meister,  p.  699). 

\^  yiuaaa  originated  from  *r''Ar-j«,  y'^Moaa  will  have  to  be 
explained  from  *}Adx-}a.  The  latter  form  may  be  traced 
further  back  to  *(J/«x-j«,  because  in  the  case  of  disyllabic 
words,  whose  first  syllable  begins  with  the  group  media 
+  /  and  whose  second  syllable  begins  with  a  guttural, 

^The  papyrus  was  first  read  by  Kenyon  in  "Classical  Texts  from 
Papyri,  in  the  British  Museum,  including  the  newl}'  discovered  poems 
of  Herodas  "  (London,  1891).  This  publication  was  followed  by  the 
editions  of  Rutherford  (Lond.,  1891),  van  Herwerden  (in  Mnemosyne, 
1892,  p.  41  sqq. ),  Biicheler  (2d  ed.,  Bonn,  1892),  Crusius  (Leipzig, 
1892),  R.  Meister  (Leipz.,  1893,  ^  Abhandlungen  der  phil.-hist.  CI.  d. 
K.  Sachs.  Gesellsch.  d.  Wiss.,  Vol.  XIII,  Nr.  VII,  p.  611  sqq.). 
Meister's  edition  is  especially  useful  on  account  of  its  commentary 
and  its  thorough  investigation  of  Herondas'  dialect.  It  also  contains 
(on  p.  877  sq.)  a  complete  list  of  the  considerable  literature  (up  to 
June,  1893)  which  has  soon  gathered  around  these  poems. 

^The  common,  form  yXuaaa,  which  occurs  only  once  (VI.  41),  is 
probably  due  to  a  scribal  error  (see  Meister,  p.  699). 


THE   ARYAN   NAME   OF   THE   TONGUE.  199 

there  is  in  Greek  a  strong  tendency  to  assimilate  the 
initial  labial  or  dental  media  into  the  guttural  media  y. 
Examples  of  this  tendency  are  :  ylay<><:  ntr.  "milk  "  from 
*/32d}'Of  and  this  from  */i>«>of,  cp.  «/«■?}<■'  and  Goth,  niihik-s ; 
yiuKT-  in  Hom.  y?-aKT-o-(pdyog  and  with  anaptyctic  vowel 
ydlaKT-  ntr.  from  *l3iaKr-  and  this  from  *mlact-  =  Lat.  lact- 
"milk;"  }'A?/a:"i' (hymn  Cer.  209)  "pennyroyal"  (mentha 
pulegium)  =  p^nx^v ;  yivKhq  from  *JAmi'f  =  Lat.  dtilcis.  In 
*6idx-\a  the  stem  syllable  of  our  Prim.  Aryan  form 
'^dle7tgh-va'  or  "^dl^nghu'-  is  easily  recognized,  since  Greek 
a  is  the  regular  representative  of  Prim.  Aryan  en^  as  in 
i-Kardv  =  Skt.  ^atcxm^  Lat.  coitiim^  Germanic  Jiu7id^  and 
in  many  other  well  known  examples. 

As  regards  the  suffixes  of  Gr.  yldoaa  =  *dlc'ngh-ja  and 
Skt.  jiJiva'  or  Lat.  lingua  =  ^'dl^)igh-va\  it  may  seem  that 
the  original  v-  suffix  had  been  replaced  in  Greek  by  a 
J-  suffix.  A  similar  exchange  of  endings  may  indeed 
be  observed,  e.  g,  in  Gr.  lu'r'  (later  on  vloq)  as  com- 
pared with  Skt.  su-nn-s,  Goth,  sit-nti-s^  or  in  Gr.  dKr-iv-  f. 
"ray,  splendor,"  as  compared  with  Ved.  aktii-  m.  "day- 
light, splendor,"  and  Goth.  uJitwo  f.  "morning,  day- 
light." Yet  there  is  another  way  of  explaining  the 
difference,  which  to  my  mind  is  preferable.  Since  in 
Greek  the  group  palatal  +  F  often  moves  on  the  same 
line  with  velars  (cp.  above  p.  195),  we  may  assume  that 
X  in  y')(^x^v-  represents  earlier  -i'  +  F,  and  that  (tt  in  y'/daaa, 
yiuaaa^  represents  the  combination  of  iF  — y  in  the  same 
way  as  e.  g.,  the  x  oi  thixv^,  t/Mxc^ro^  represents  an  earlier 
velar,  and  <7'^  in  t/daacw  represents  the  combination  of 
velar  +  j.  If  the  latter  explanation  is  correct,  the  dif- 
ference between  the  ending  in  Greek  y/asaa,  y/.djaaa,  and 

'  See  G.  Mej-er's   Greek  grammar  -  ?  320,  or   Blass-Kiihiier  I,  p. 
506  sqq. 


200  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

Skt.  jihva'  would  simply  amount  to  a  change  of  the  two 
feminine  suffixes  a  and  ?".'  The  difference  is  so  slight 
as  to  be  indistinguishable  in  the  case  of  several  derivative 
formations  such  as  Ved.  dirgha-jihvya-  (RV.  IX,  loi,  i) 
and  Greek  ravv-ylt^aao-i:  (Hom.  e  66)  "long-tongued." 

There  remains  to  be  considered  the  difference  in  the 
vowel  between  the  two  Greek  forms  -/'/Acaa  and  y'kucca. 
The  most  probable  explanation  is  perhaps  that  ?'W  in 
.7/.w(7(7r/  represents  an  earlier  long  syllabic  /,'"  which  arose 
in  '^dlenghvii'  by  an  assimilation  of  n  to  /  similar  to  that 
of  /to  /?,  which  is  observed  in  O.  ^\2iV.  jesy-kfi  and  O. 
Pruss.  iiisiizvis. 

Another  way  of  accounting  for  the  varying  vowel 
would  be  to  explain  ^  with  R.  Meister  (1.  c,  699)  as 
' '  Ablaut "  of  «.  Yet  if  I  am  right  in  regarding  the  a  of 
Ykdcaa  as  the  representative  of  a  syllabic  nasal,  the  in- 
stances quoted  by  Meister  {paS.  "grape,"  and  kppaynv') 
are  no  longer  quite  parallel.  yZiaaa^  indeed,  might  be 
explained  from  '^'y'/Zyyxs"-  (as  aoaov  stands  for  ajAJoi)  and  the 
interchange  between  wi-  and  a  {=n  or  en)  compared  with 

that     seen     in     rrpSopuv  :  Trpdc^paaaa,  a—eipuv  :  TreipaTn,  /iv/^/uuv  :   pvt'/un, 

etc.  But  since  no  trace  of  a  long  vowel  appears  in  any 
other  Aryan  language,  it  would  be  rather  venturesome 

^  Comp.  for  similar  fluctuations  in  the  declension  of  feminiues  K.  F. 
Johansson  in  Gott.  Gel.  Anz.,  1S90,  p.  752  sqq. 

^See  on  the  origin  of  Gr.  pu,  ?m,  from  long  syllabic  r  I  de  Saussure, 
Systeme  prim,  des  voyelles  indo-eur.,  p.  263,  and  Brugmann,  Grund- 
riss  I,  p.  243  sqq.  A  different  opinion  on  this  subject  has  recently 
been  expressed  by  Bechtel,  Hauptprobleme,  p.  203  sqq.  It  would  be 
too  long  to  discuss  in  this  paper  the  whole  complicated  question  of 
long  syllabic  liquids.  I  will  only  say  that  the  existence  in  Greek  of 
the  group  pw  in  the  function  of  a  Prim.  Aryan  ~r  (or,  as  Bechtel  pre- 
fers, in  the  function  of  a  Prim.  Ar.  weak  vowel  +  long  r)  cannot  well 
be  denied  in  the  case  of  the  adverb  Ttpuiov  =  Ved.  piii'vydm. 


THE  ARYAN  NAME  OF  THE  TONGUE.      20I 

to  ascribe  to  Primitive  Aryan  an  interchange  in  our 
word  between  different  grades  of  ' '  Ablaut. ' '  The  w-form 
is  more  probably  due  to  an  innovation  which  in  Greek 
took  place  at  a  comparatively  recent  period. 

Note  I. — The  learned  author  of  the  Dictionary  of  the  Tahniul, 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Marcus  Jastrow,  who  was  present  when  I  read  the 
above  paper  before  the  Oriental  Club,  called  my  attention  to  the  in- 
teresting fact  that  in  Talmudic  and  Midrashic  transliteration,  Latin 
words  beginning  with  /,  are  often  spelled  with  a  guttural  preceding 
the  /sound.  E.  g.  ledica  is  found  as  glegdica  {g/iigd^ka),  chlechtica, 
klectica^  and  also  as  lektica  (see  Jastrow,  Diet,  of  the  Talmud,  etc., 
p.  246)  ;  Lesbii  [^&s\>\sx\.  figs,  also  olives),  is  found  as  glii/siii,  chlufsin, 
kill/sill,  and  also  as  libsiin,  and  libsin  (see  ibid.,  p.  640) ;  Lesbiaca  (a 
white  and  delicate  bread,  and  also  a  superior  sort  of  olives),  appears 
as  gluska,  klitska,  gluskin  (see  ibid.,  p.  246).  It  seems  scarcely  possi- 
ble to  deu}^  that  in  these  and  similar  cases  /  passes  into  gl.  Since, 
however,  the  above  are  loan-words,  and  in  loan-words  phonetics  are 
generally  treated  more  freely  than  in  words  that  are  indigenous,  I 
should  not  like  to  draw  from  these  examples  the  conclusion  that  the 
initial  gl  of  the  Greek  or  Albanese  words  for  "tongue"  originated 
from  forms  with  simple  initial  /. 

Note  2. — Since  sending  an  abstract  of  this  paper  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Oriental  Club,  I  heard  from  Professor  Bloomfield  that  the  same 
etymology  of  yXiJxsoa  had  been  communicated  to  him  by  one  of  his 
former  pupils.  Dr.  Edwin  W.  Fay.  I  hope  that  the  latter  will  publish 
the  reasons  that  have  led  him  to  identify  ylCiaaa  with  the  rest  of  the 
words  for  "tongue  "  in  the  Aryan  languages.  The  fact  that  Dr.  Fay 
and  I  have  arrived  at  the  same  result  independently  of  each  other  is,  I 
trust,  a  guarantee  of  its  correctness. 


THE  FEATHER  AND  THE  WING  IN  EARLY 
MYTHOLOGY. 

BY  SARA  YORKE  STEVENSON. 

'  Owing  to  the  abuse  which,  in  the  early  days  of  Phi- 
lology, was  made  of  myths  and  symbols  for  the  purpose 
of  tracing  contact  and  even  ethnic  affinity  between  dif- 
ferent races  of  men,  the  attention  of  students  has,  of 
late  years,  to  a  great  extent  been  drawn  away  from  their 
study,  and  there  seems  to  exist  among  the  best  scholars 
a  decided  disinclination  to  allow  them  any  special  im- 
portance. 

Yet,  if  in  themselves  they  are  of  little  use  in  the  dis- 
cussion of  questions  of  origin,  they  afford  invaluable 
assistance  for  a  fuller  understanding  of  man's  intellectual 
evolution. 

Fanciful  and  disconnected  as  the  myths  of  primitive 
races  appear  to  be,  their  creation  is  nevertheless  subject 
to  a  law  which  connects  them  with  the  ideas  and  notions 
proper  to  a  given  stage  of  culture.  They  are  born  of 
man's  effort  to  find  an  explanation,  however  crude  it 
may  be,  of  certain  phenomena,  which,  owing  to  the  ex- 
ternal conditions  of  his  life,  are  brought  more  directly 
under  his  observation,  and  as  such  they  bear  a  definite 
relation  to  his  intellectual  and  material  condition. 

One  of  the  most  brilliant  minds  of  our  time,  the  late 
Ernest  Renan,  has  said:    *"  Mythology  is  life  lent   to 

*  "La  mythologie,  c'est  la  vie  pretee  aux  mots." — L,e  peuple  d'ls- 
rael,  I,  p.  46. 

(  202  ) 


THE    FEATHER   AND   THE   WING.  203 

words."  Is  it  not  on  the  contrary  names  given  to  life? 
At  all  events,  primitive  myths  generally  represent  met- 
aphysical theories,  which  in  their  origin  necessarily  de- 
pend upon  the  extent  of  the  experience  and  upon  the 
intellectual  horizon  of  the  metaphysician. 

Certain  myths  frequently  survive  in  a  modified  form 
the  stage  of  civilization  which  produced  them,  and  the 
symbolism  to  which  they  gave  rise  often  outlives  the 
thought  to  which  it  originally  owed  its  existence.  We 
have  a  striking  instance  of  this  in  the  ancient  forms  of 
pagan  symbolism  that  have  survived  in  the  modern 
Christian  Church. 

But,  nevertheless,  if  they  can  be  traced  back  to  their 
origin,  they  may  be  classified  by  the  student  of  primi- 
tive thought  according  to  the  intellectual  stratum  to 
which  they  owed  their  origin  ;  and  a  fair  test  is  obtained 
if  we  come  across  similar  ideas  among  races  who,  at 
different  periods  of  the  world's  history,  have  passed 
through  the  same  stage  of  culture  ;  or  who  at  the  pres- 
ent day,  from  some  cause  or  other,  have  remained  un- 
progressive. 

In  order  to  give  expression  to  his  religious  aspirations, 
man  early  found  three  principal  vehicles  :  The  jMyth, 
from  which  was  later  evolved  the  dogma ;  the  Rite, 
which  gave  rise  to  Liturgy  ;  and  the  Fetish,  image  or 
embodiment,    which   eventually   became   the  Symbol.* 

*The  Count  Goblet  d'Alviella  (Hibbert  Lectures,  1891),  makes  of 
the  Rite  a  subdivision  of  Symbolism.  The  word  "Symbol,"  how- 
ever, implies  an  abstraction  unknown  to  the  primitive  mind.  vSuch  a 
classification  must  tend  to  obscure  the  practical  difference  existing 
between  the  concrete  significance  of  the  fetish  or  of  the  imitative 
Rite  for  the  naive  worshiper,  and  the  later  religious  feeling  which  may 
find  expression  in  the  Symbol  or  in  the  symbolical  representation. 


204  PAPERS   OF  THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

The  Symbol  is  the  visible  form  in  which  is  coined  the 
idea. 

The  myth  is  the  work  of  the  poet ;  the  rite  is  the 
work  of  the  priest ;  the  symbol,  that  of  the  artist. 

In  the  stage  that  precedes  the  birth  of  art,  the  primi- 
tive thinker  uses  natural  objects  to  serve  as  vehicles  to 
the  ideas  which  he  has  made  unto  himself  of  the  forces 
of  nature.  For  him  a  hidden'  power  resides  in  the  tree 
and  causes  it  to  bud  forth  each  year  ;  in  the  stone,  and 
bursts  out  of  it  in  a  spark  ;  in  short,  wherever  he  finds 
motion  and  life.  Animals,  especially  those  whose  ways 
seem  mysterious,  such  as  birds  who  fly  high  into  the 
heavens,  and  serpents  who  burrow  deep  into  the  earth, 
seem  to  him  especially  to  be  the  incarnate  spirits  of 
these  elements.  This  is  what  modern  science  calls 
animism. 

Later,  the  artist  steps  upon  the  scene  and  fashions 
more  or  less  fanciful  simulacra — fetishes  wherein  he  es- 
tablishes the  supernatural  power  which  he  dreads  or 
reveres,  thus  obtaining  over  him,  through  personal 
ownership,  a  certain  occult  influence.  Then  the  shape- 
less stone  becomes  an  axe,  a  cone  or  a  column  ;  the  tree 
becomes  an  asherah — and  after  the  imagination  has  once 
entered  upon  this  path,  religious  art  adapts  itself  to  the 
higher  level  of  a  more  idealistic  mythology,  and  an- 
thropomorphism appears.  At  first  we  find  mixed  forms: 
upon  the  tree-trunk  appear  the  features  or  characteris- 
tics of  a  female  form  ;  the  pillar  assumes  a  head,  arms, 
or  a  phallus :  in  Greece  and  in  the  Mediterranean  xoana 
define  themselves ;  in  Egypt,  the  animal  assumes  a 
human  form — in  Mesopotamia  it  takes  a  human  head  or 
a  bird's  wings  ;  and  as  the  human  intellect  develops 
itself  and  becomes  capable  of  conceiving  an  abstraction, 


THE    FEATHER    AND   THE    WING.  205 

the  fetish  more  and  more  detaches  itself  from  the  idea  of 
the  power  of  which  it  once  was  the  embodiment — it  ceases 
to  be  its  earthly  form  and  becomes  its  symbol.  When,  at 
last,  artistic  genins  having  attained  its  highest  expres- 
sion, the  chisel  of  a  Phidias  shows  us  the  Heavenly 
Power  which  in  primeval  times  may  have  been  wor- 
shiped as  an  eagle  *  or  a  stone  transformed  into  the 
Olympian  Zeus  ;  the  Hermes  of  Praxiteles  replaces  the 
archaic  cippa  and  the  asherah  of  deified  nature  becomes 
the  Aphrodite  of  Milo.f 

A  careful  study  of  the  subject  brings  out  the  fact  that 
the  myths  of  the  Historical  period  must  generally  be  re- 
garded as  developments  of  elementary  myths  which 
originated  in  an  inferior  intellectual  stratum. t  These 
are  so  similar  in  various  parts  of  the  world  that  they 
may  broadly  be  said  to  be  common  to  mankind  ;  the  dif- 
ferences observable  in  various  localities  being  mainly 
due  to  special  environment,  when  they  are  not  simply 
due  to  the  particular  stage  of  a  myth's  evolution  at 
which  we  may  happen  to  consider  it. 

The  symbol  is  as  it  were  a  mile-post  on  the  way.  It 
points  out  the  road  to  follow  in  order  to  reach  the  idea 
of  which  it  may  once  have  been  the  embodiment.  As 
Mr.  Clermont-Ganneau  truly  says  :1|  "There  must  be  a 
mythology  of  images  as  there  is  a  mythology  of  words," 
and  as  the  image  changes  less  than    the  original,  the 

*C.  P.  Tiele,  "Manual  de  1'  Histoire  des  Religions,"  p.  291.     18S5. 
fM.  Collignon,  "  M3'thologie  figur^e  de  la  Grece,"  pp.  9-13-     18S4. 

I  Tiele,  Rer.  de  1'  Hre  des  Relig.,  II,  153:  "  Elements  exotiques  de  la 
Religion  Grecque,"  has  demonstrated  that  certain  ideas  at  the  basis  of 
ancient  myths,  belong  to  the  human  stratum  that  precedes  the  division 
of  races. 

II  "Coupe  de  Palestrina,"  Introd.,  p.  VI.     Paris,  1S90. 


206  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

student  who  has  the  good  fortune  to  find  one  to  guide 
him  in  his  researches,  may  use  it  with  success  to  retrace 
the  characteristic  features  of  ideas  which  have  become 
transformed  in  the  course  of  centuries. 

It  is  a  fact  that  a  religious  thought  once  embodied  in 
an  artistic  form  has  a  tendency  to  lose  itself  into  the 
material  object  which  represents  it,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
masses.  The  idea,  free  and  living,  develops  in  the 
minds  of  thinkers  in  each  generation  ;  the  old  nature- 
myth  may  become  purer  and  more  idealistic  in  the 
hands  of  poets  ;  but  it  remains  crystallized  in  the  artistic 
symbol,  which  remains  more  or  less  unchanged.  Once 
created  by  art  and  admitted  into  the  religious  life  of  a 
people,  the  artists  of  subsequent  generations,  as  pointed 
out  by  Lessing  in  his  celebrated  treatise  upon  "death,"* 
hesitate  to  depart  from  it  for  fear  of  not  being  under- 
stood. It  becomes  a  part  of  its  traditional  stock  ;  of  its 
customs,  of  its  commerce,  and  often,  under  this  concrete 
form,  the  symbolism  of  one  race  passes  into  foreign 
countries,  where,  without  understanding  its  real  mean- 
ing, men  adapt  it  to  conceptions  absolutely  different  in 
their  character  and  origin  from  those  of  which  elsewhere 
and  at  another  epoch  it  was  the  legitimate  expression. f 

It  would  therefore  seem  that,  in  endeavoring  to  grasp 
the  ideas  embodied  in  any  given  myth  and  in  its  syni- 

*"  Wie  die  Alten  den  Todgebildet,"  pub.  in  1769. 

t  For  instance,  the  human-headed  bird,  symbol  of  the  soul  in  Egypt, 
of  which  the  Greeks  borrowed  the  form  to  give  it  to  their  Harpyies, 
or  the  grotesque  lion-killing  hero  of  Babylonian  art,  which,  in 
Egypt,  became  the  deformed  god  Bes,  and  under  Phoenician  influence 
became  Melqart ;  or  to  come  down  to  our  own  civilization,  St.  George 
and  the  Dragon,  the  Mother  and  Child,  the  Eye,  the  Solar  Rays,  the 
Dove,  and  many  other  symbols  of  early  times  adopted  into  the  mod- 
ern Church,  and  before  which  to-da}-  the  priest  still  bows  his  head. 


THE    FEATHER   AND   THE   WING.  207 

bols,  and  detect  their  origin,  one  may  legitimately  make 
use  of  the  traces  that  similar  ideas,  result  of  like  circum- 
stances, have  left  among  other  races  who,  at  different 
epochs  of  the  world's  history,  have  passed  through  the 
same  moral  and  intellectual  vicissitudes. 

If  we  find  among  races  of  low  culture,  pure  and  un- 
altered, the  idea  which  is  at  the  basis  of  myths,  the 
symbols  of  which  are  discovered  upon  the  earliest  mon- 
uments of  the  historical  period,  we  may  without  impro- 
priety use  the  information  thus  obtained  to  cast  light 
upon  the  conditions  under  which  that  idea  was  evolved 
at  a  time  preceding  the  development  of  art.*  If,  after 
this,  we  find  among  historical  races  whose  civilization 
presents  intermediate  degrees,  the  same  idea  embodied 
in  myths  the  character  of  which  corresponds  to  the  in- 
dustrial and  social  development  of  the  people,  it  is 
probable  that  we  are  on  the  right  trail,  and  that,  whilst 
making  allowance  for  the  different  milieu  in  which  the 
primitive  thought  was  developed,  we  hold  the  thread 
that  must  guide  us  through  our  labyrinth.  To  resume : 
we  may  here  apply  the  Platonic  method  as  formulated 
by  J.  Stuart  Mill,t  and  seek  the  sense  of  the  abstract  in 
the  concrete. 

By  following  the  line  indicated  above,  and  carrying 
the  inquiry  to  the  confines  of  the  prehistoric,  I  shall 
endeavor  to  trace  the  pedigree  of  the  feather  symbol, 
which  among  the  ancient  Egyptians  was  not  only  the 
emblem,  but  also  the  hieroglyph  of  light  and  of  truth, 
and  at  the  same  time  offer  a  suggestion  as  to  the  origin 
of  the  winged  sun-disk  and  of  other  winged  emblems. 

*Comp.  Ottfried  INIiiller,  "Prolegomena,"  p.  2S2,  and  M.  de  Littre, 
"Revue  des  deux  Mondes,"  Mars,  1858,  "Etude  d'Hist.  primilive." 
t  "  Essay  on  Nature,"  p.  4. 


208  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

Although  the  embodiment  of  an  abstraction,  the 
feather  was  already  used  in  this  sense  at  the  opening  of 
monumental  history.  It  is  obvious  that  the  origin  of 
an  association  of  ideas  apparently  so  incongruous  must 
be  sought  in  the  prehistoric  intellectual  and  religious 
development  of  the  people  ;  for  unless  we  admit  for  it 
some  powerful  reason  now  lost  in  the  mist  of  an  un- 
known past,  it  were  difficult  to  understand  why  a  feather 
should  have  been  used  in  this  connection  by  men  as 
exact  as  the  Egyptians  generally  were  in  their  selection 
of  the  objects  used  as  signs  in  their  graphic  system. 

We  shall  see  that  the  whole  order  of  ideas  concealed 
in  the  winged  and  feather  symbols  is  connected  with 
the  beliefs  and  knowledge  proper  to  men  in  the  stone- 
age  ;  that  they  represent  in  their  original  form  the 
myths  fitted  into  their  intellectual  horizon,  and  were 
but  the  mode  of  expression  by  which  they  gave  utter- 
ance to  their  naive  explanation  of  celestial  phenomena, 
which  were  closely  associated  in  their  minds  with  phe- 
nomena of  an  igneous  nature. 

Those  who  have  studied  the  beliefs  of  non-civilized 
races  know  that,  with  few  exceptions,'^   they   look   up 

*  The  Hottentots,  the  Bosjemen,  the  inhabitants  of  Tierra-del- 
Fuego,  who  seem  more  especially  to  worship  the  moon,  the  Aus- 
tralians and  a  few  inferior  American  tribes — as,  for  example,  the  send 
d'Oreilles  of  Oregon — whose  notions  are  vague,  and  who  even  have 
no  funeral  rites,  and  perhaps  a  few  other  tribes  in  a  very  low  stage  of 
culture.  In  looking  over  the  works  of  Messrs.  Tyler,  "Researches 
into  the  Primitive  History  of  Mankind,"  and  "Primitive  Culture," 
Albert  Reville,  "  Religious  des  Non-Civilises,"  D'Alviella,  "  Prolego- 
menes,"  and  "  Histoire  du  Feu,"  Brinton's  "Myths  of  the  New 
World,"  Lubbock's  "Origin  of  Civilization,"  Spencer's  "Principles 
of  Sociology,"  etc.,  and  many  narratives  of  ancient  and  modern  trav- 
elers, with  a  view  to  tabulating  the  principal  objects  of  worship  of 
various  non-developed  races,  it  was  found  that  with  the  few  excep- 


THE    FEATIIKR    AND   THK    WING.  209 

with  reverence  to  a  Power  above.  They  conceive  it  as 
residing-  m  the  upper  space;  his  voice  is  heard  in  tlie 
thunder;  his  anger  strikes  in  the  lightning;  and  the 
manifestation  of  his  good-will  is  practically  displayed 
in  the  light  and  life-dispensing  rays  of  the  sun.  In  a 
word,  and  if  we  may  adapt  the  ha])py  expression  applied 
b\-  Burnouf  to  the  Vedic  god  Indra,  they  worship  "the 
atmospheric  energies  of  the  heavenly'"  light.* 

tions  above-mentioned,  and  a  few  races  who — having  advanced  to  the 
agricultural  stage  — honor  more  particularly  the  sun — and  in  this  case 
it  is  often  easy  to  perceive  that  we  have  a  secondary  development  of 
the  primitive  idea  by  which  the  sun  is  made  the  principal  manifesta- 
tion of  the  Spirit  or  Power  governing  the  heavenly  vault — the  wor- 
ship of  the  latter  may  be  regarded  as  quasi-universal.  In  Polynesia, 
and  among  peoples  in  whose  existence  the  sea  plays  a  conspicuous 
role,  the  exact  nature  of  the  superior  space  often  remains  somewhat 
vague,  and  the  liquid  element  is  more  explicitly  mixed  up  with  the 
conception  of  the  Celestial  Creator  than  it  is  elsewhere.  Neverthe- 
less, even  in  Polynesia,  that  Creator  often  resides  in  .space,  and  is  re- 
ferred to  as  fishing  up  the  islands  from  the  bottom  of  the  sea. 

Among  some  peoples  the  Supreme  Power  resides  in  the  sun.  But 
this  notion  may  also  be  regarded  as  a  special  phase,  and  sun-worship, 
properly  speaking,  may  be  said  to  belong  to  the  agricultural  stage — 
that  is,  to  an  already  advanced  stage  of  human  development. 

*  Most  of  the  American  tribes  are  said  to  possess  a  word  to  express 
the  divine  or  .?»/>^r  natural,  which  like  the  word  we  ourselves  use, 
conveys  a  sense  of  place,  and  means  ''above.''  According  to  Brinton 
("Myths  of  the  New  World,"  pp.  47-48),  those  words  are:  Algon- 
quin, "Manito"  and  "Oki;"  Iroquois,  "Oki"  and  "Okhor;" 
Dakota,  "Wakau;"  Aztec,  "  Teotl  ;  "  Guichua,  "  Huaca  ;  "  Maya, 
"Ku,"  etc. 

Man}'  other  languages  bear  the  trace  of  the  importance  that  primi- 
tive religions  granted  to  the  vSuperior  Space  and  to  the  Spirit  govern- 
ing it:  "  Deus,  Zeus,  Dyaus,"  are  evidences  of  it  among  the  Aryans, 
as  well  as  "Tien"  among  the  Chinese.  Among  the  Aztecs  and 
Guiches,  such  phrases  as  "Heart  of  Heaven,"  "Lord  of  Heaven," 
"  Prince  of  the  azure  planisphere,"  are  said  to  be  frequent  (Brinton, 
loc.   cit.).      In   W.   Africa,   ace.  to  Tyler  l^Prim.   Cult,  II,  233),   and 


2IO  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

The  power  governing  space  is  recognized  by  them  in 
its  various  activities  as  Creator,  dispensing  life,  as  well 
as  master  of  the  heavenly  fire,  and  in  a  conception  which 
is  qnasi-universal,  and  which  mnst  be  a  very  primitive 
one,  this  heavenly  spirit  appears  to  them  incarnate  or 
manifesting  itself  under  the  shape  of  a  bird. 

Not  only  do  numerous  legends,  collected  from  all 
parts  of  the  world,  show  us  this  bird  associated  with  the 
lightning,  the  sun,  and  all  phenomena  connected  with 
fire  ;  but  they  often  represent  it  as  casting  down  or  as 
bringing  down  upon  earth  the  heavenly  fire  under  the 
shape  of  aeroliths  or  of  flints  containing  a  spark  of  the 
igneous  element  ;  and  even  at  times  as  introducing  di- 
rectly or  indirectly  the  heavenly  spark  into  wood. 

Among  non-civilized  races,  as  well  as  the  nations  of 
antiquity,  the  idea  which  derives  fire  from  heaven,  and 
which  sees  in  the  beneficent  action  of  the  sun  and  in  the 
destructive  power  of  the  lightning,  simple  aspects  of  the 
same  elementary  force,  is  too  well  known  to  need 
dwelling  upon.* 

Even  as  late  as  the  time  of  Pliny, f  science  confused 

Waitz  (Anthrop.  der  Naturvoelker,  II,  i68),  the  same  word  designates 
the  Supreme  Being,  the  visible  sky,  and  rain  and  thunder. 

Among  the  ancient  Egyptians,  "Her,"  the  "Superior,"  the 
"Above,"  was  synonymous  with  God. — See  below,  p.  229. 

*A.  Kuhn,  "  Herabkunst  des  Feuers,"  Goblet  d'  Alviella  "Hist, 
du  feu,"  p.  30.  Max  Miiller,  "Physical  Religion,"  Lectures  VII, 
VIII,  IX,  X,  XI,  and  XIL 

t  Comp.  Pliny,  II,  4,  where  he  treats  of  the  elements  and  explains 
(II,  18-20)  lightning  as  a  spark  detached  from  an  incandescent  star, 
and  says  that  "this  heavenly  fire  cast  upon  earth  brings  to  it  omens 
of  events  to  come,  the  detached  particle  not  haviug  lost  its  divine 
virtues. ' '  And  further,  after  having  explained  in  detail  how  according 
to  him  the  spark,  detached  from  the  stars  and  falling  upon  the  clouds 


THE   FEATHER   AND   THE   WING.  211 

the  fire  of  the  stars  with  that  of  the  lightnino-,  and 
there  is  a  strikin^^  sameness  in  the  manner  in  which  the 
explanation  found  b}'  human  imagination  in  its  primi- 
tive stages,  has  been  formulated  in  different  parts  of  the 
world,  by  races  separated  not  only  by  distance,  but  also 
by  vast  periods  of  time.  The  inhabitants  of  southern 
Africa — Zulus,  Kafirs,  etc. — regarded  celestial  fire  as  a 
manifestation  of  the  life  which  animated  nature  ;  and 
according  to  them  thunder  was  produced  by  the  flapping' 
of  the  wings  of  the  gigantic  Heaven-Bird.  Among 
them,  as  formerly  among  the  Etruskans  and  the  Rom- 
ans,* it  was  a  sacrilege   to   touch   objects  and   persons 

can  by  agitating  the  air  produce  the  tempest,  he  adds:  "It  is  also 
possible  that  the  spirit,  whatever  it  may  be,  is  engendered  by  friction 
when  it  is  cast  forth  with  so  much  strength.  It  is  possible  that  from 
the  shock  of  the  two  clouds  the  lightning  bursts  forth,  as  happens 
when  from  the  shock  of  two  stones  there  springs  forth  a  spark  .    .    . 

.    .  but  all  these  things  are  casual Those  that  foretell  the 

future  come  from  above,  and  according  to  established  rules,  come 
from  their  special  stars."  (Comp.  Aristotle,  "  de  Meteor."  "Nihil 
ut  aliud  ventus  dvei/oc  sit,  nisi  aer  multus,  fluctuus  et  compressus  qui 
etiam  spiritus  i~vEvr/a)  appellatus." 

Elsewhere  (II,  iii)  Pliny  says:  "To  these  fires  must  be  added 
those  innumerable  stars  and  the  great  sun  itself  There  is  also  the  fire 
made  by  men  and  those  which  are  innate  in  certain  species  of  stones, 
and  those  which  are  produced  by  the  friction  of  wood,  and  those 
which  are  in  the  clouds,  and  which  give  rise  to  lightning  "  Ancient 
Physiology  said  :   "  Corpus  est  terra,  animus  est  ignis." 

*  Pliny  II,  55.  "It  is  improper  to  burn  on  a  funeral  pyre  a  man 
killed  in  this  manner.  Our  religion  commands  us  to  bury  the 
corpse."  See  upon  the  subject  of  the  Etruskan  Liturgy  (of  which  the 
idea  preserved  in  this  passage  is  obviously  a  survival)  and  upon  the 
manner  in  which  the  bodies  and  objects  struck  by  lightning  were 
buried,  as  well  as  the  "Lightning-stones,"  and  for  the  ceremonies 
and  sacrifices  by  means  of  which  every  place  struck  by  lightning  was 
consecrated — the  article  of  Mr.  Boucher-Leclercq,  "Revue  de  1'  H^e 
des  Religions,"  III,  pp.  321-352. 


212  PAPERS   OF    THE    ORIENTAL    CLUB. 

struck  by  .lightning.  The  eagle  and  vulture  are  wor- 
shiped in  many  parts  of  Africa.  * 

In  New  Zealand  mythology,  Tangaroa,  the  Creator, 
inhabits  the  Heavens  or  the  Sun  which  he  has  created, f 
He  is  frequently  represented  in  the  form  of  an  enormous 
bird. I  It  is  his  son  Maui,  who  in  an  often-quoted 
legend  introduced  fire  upon  earth,  and  was  the  cause  of 
the  presence  of  the  fire-spark  in  stones  and  in  wood. 

Similar  notions  are  found  among  the  indigenous  tribes 
of  the  New  World.  The  authors  who  have  at  various 
times  treated  questions  connected  with  the  beliefs  of 
non-civilized  races,  have  so  often  quoted  the  numerous 
American  legends  in  which  the  Heaven-Bird  plays  the 
principal  part,  that  it  would  be  superfluous  to  do  more 
than  recall  them  here.  There  is,  however,  one  point 
upon  which  attention  should  be  drawn:  that  is,  that 
throughout  the  whole  length  of  the  American  continent 
those  myths  are  very  similar,  and  that  taken  collectively 
they  are  as  the  welded  links  of  a  long  chain  of  legendary 
lore,  in  which  the  celestial  bird  pursues  his  evolution. 

At  first  the  incarnation,   then  the  messenger  of  the 

*  Ellis,  Travels,  etc.,  I,  p.  325. 

fA.  Reville,  loc.  cit.,  II,  p.  46. 

j  Burton,  "Dalionie}^"  II,  p.  142,  also  A.  Reville,  loc.  cit.  I,  p.  65. 
Mr.  Tyler,  "Researches  into  the  Primitive  History  of  Mankind,"  p. 
222,  mentions  a  certain  West  African  god,  Gimagong,  who  once  a 
3'ear  comes  down  into  his  temple  with  a  loud  rustling  noise  like  that 
of  a  "flock  of  geese  in  the  spring,"  and  to  whom  an  ox  is  sacrificed, 
not  with  a  knife,  but  with  a  sharp  stone.  Among  other  tribes  of 
Africa,  for  instance  among  the  Yoroubas,  Thunder  is  a  special  divin- 
ity known  as  the  "Stone-flinger,"  and  it  is  from  him,  it  is  said,  that 
come  the  stone-axes  found  in  the  ground,  and  which  are  preserved  as 
fetishes.  (See  Smithsonian  Contributions,  I,  XVI,  Rev.  J.  1 .  Bowen, 
"  Grammar  and  Dictionary  of  the  Yorouba  Language.") 


TFIK    FEATHER    AND   THE   WING.  213 

great  spirit  above,  it  plays  according  to  the  degree  of 
civilization  reached  by  its  worshipers,  the  varied  roles  of 
Creator,  or  of  his  celestial  agent,  the  Storm-bird,  who 
sometimes  inhabits  the  Sun.  But,  under  whatever 
aspect  it  may  present  itself,  it  is  always  the  giver  of 
celestial  fire — sometimes  destructive,  sometimes  benefi- 
cent— which  it  casts  down  upon  earth  under  the  shape 
of  stones  containing  a  spark  of  the  igneous  element  and 
which  often  becomes  its  symbol.*  Among  the  most 
civilized  tribes  of  ilmerica,  as  well  as  among  those  who 
were  still  in  the  rudest  stage  of  culture,  the  relation  ex- 
isting between  the  Heaven-Bird,  the  igneous  phenom- 
ena, and  the  fire-flint  thrown  from  heaven  upon  earth, 
is  clear  and  often  most  explicit. 

The  Sioux, t  who  possess  numerous  legends  upon  the 
subject  of  the  Creator-Bird — giver  of  fire  to  men — tell 
us:}:  that  lightning  in  striking  the  ground  bursts  and 
scatters  on  all  sides  the  thunder-stones  which  are  flints  ; 
and  they  demonstrate  this  by  the  spark  which  these 
silicious  stones  contain.  They  regard  as  sacred  the 
blaze  kindled  by  the  lightning. 

*Brinton,  "Myths  of  the  New  World,"  p.  143,  etc.,  says  that,  in 
the  American  myths,  the  Sun  is  always  regarded  as  a  fire  created  or 
set  in  motion  by  a  superior  power,  or  by  legendary  beings.  Among 
several  tribes,  for  instance,  among  the  Natchez,  the  Texuques  (New 
Mexico),  the  Kolosch  (Columbia),  the  words  for  "fire"  and  "sun" 
are  derived  from  the  same  root.  Among  the  Algonquins  the  words 
for  "  sky"  and  for  "  sun  "  are  so  derived,  and  the  heaven  was  the  wig- 
wam of  the  Great  Spirit.  Among  the  Maya,  "  Kiu  "  also  expressed 
the  same  idea.  Among  the  Peruvians,  Viracocha-pacha-camac  was 
the  Supreme  God,  whose  son,  or  whose  manifestation,  was  the  Sun. 
In  him  may  be  recognized  the  ancient  Aymara  God,  w-hose  weapon 
was  lightning.     (Brinton,  loc.  cit.,  p.  155,  also  ibid.,  55.) 

fMrs.  Eastman,  "Legends  of  the  Sioux,"  p.  71. 
JE.  B.  Tyler,  "Primitive  Culture,"  II,  p.  238. 


214  PAPERS   OK   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

Among  the  Northwestern  tribes,  the  great  creative 
spirit  is  the  Crow,  who  is  regarded  as  the  source  of  life.* 

There  is  in  the  Museum  of  Archaeology  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Pennsylvania  at  Philadelphia, f  a  curious  inmge 
of  this  legendary  Crow,  carved  in  stone  and  painted 
black,  from  Alaska,  which  represents  him  in  his  role  of 
Creator,  holding  tightly  pressed  against  his  breast  a 
human  mask,  which  he  is  in  the  act  of  incubating.t 

In  South  America,  we  find  in  Brazil,  among  the 
IvUpis,  the  eponymous  bird  Lupan,  the  flapping  of 
whose  wings  produces  the  lightning  ;  who  is  worshiped 
as  supreme  god,  and  who,  incarnate  in  the  first  man, 
had  introduced  agriculture  and  the  use  of  fire.  || 

Among  the  American  nations  who,  at  the  time  of  the 
landing  of  the  Spaniards,  were  in  possession  of  a  civiliza- 
tion more  or  less  advanced,  the  primitive  myth,  however 
refined  and  altered  it  may  have  been,  had  preserved 
traits  that  permit  us  to  recognize  it  without  trouble. 
The  anthropomorphic  legend  of  Ouetzalcoatl  presents 

*  Waitz,  "Anthropology  der  Naturvoelker,  III,  p.  330.  Bancroft, 
loc.  cit.  Ill,  p.  102. 

tNo.  634  of  the  Catalogue  of  "Objects  Used  in  Religious  Cere- 
monies," etc.     1892.     (See  accompanying  illustration.) 

J  The  Thlinkeets  have  similar  myths  (E.  B.  Tyler,  "Prim.  Cult," 
II,  p.  237.)  See  also  for  the  Haidahs  of  Queen  Charlotte  Island,  and 
the  Sticksen  and  Tongassof  Southern  Alaska,  whose  m3-ths  are  almost 
identical,  James  Deans,  in  the  "American  Antiquarian,"  188S,  p. 
273,  etc.  The  Mandaus  heard  in  the  the  thunder  and  saw  in  the 
lightning  the  flapping  of  the  wings  and  the  shining  eyes  of  the  terri- 
ble bird  "who  belongs  to  the  Great  Manito,  or  is  perhaps  the  Great 
Manito  himself."  (E.B.Tyler,  "  Prim.  Cult.,"  II,  p.  237.)  In  Oregon 
the  Great  Spirit  inhabits  the  Sun  ;  bi;t  when  he  is  angry  he  sallies 
forth  and  produces  the  storm. 

II  Elsewhere  (Cumana,  South  America),  it  is  the  sun  itself  whose 
wrath  is  manifested  in  the  storm  (Waitz,  loc.  cit.,  Ill,  p.  421.) 


THE   FEATHniR   AND   THE   WING.  215 

one  of  the  most  interesting  phases  of  the  subject.  The 
allegory  of  this  "  bird -serpent, "  *  that  white  man, 
"author  of  light,"  who,  coming  from  the  East,  pursues 
his  civilizing  journey,  bringing  with  him  plenty;  and 
who,  his  task  accomplished,  goes  away  promising  to  re- 
turn, is  too  transparent  to  need  commentary. 

He  was  the  son  of  the  spirit  of  the  hurricane,  Ixtac- 
Mixcoatl,  the  Serpent  of  the  White- Cloud,  and  the  pre- 
cursor of  Tlaloc,  the  rain-god.  Wherever  he  went 
birds  accompanied  him.  After  he  disappeared,  he  sent 
four  young  men,t  his  companions,  "of  incomparable 
swiftness  and  speed,"  who  divided  the  earth  between 
them  awaiting  his  return.  His  decrees  were  promul- 
gated with  a  voice  so  formidable  that  it  was  heard  one 
hundred  miles  off;  his  bolts  could  pierce  the  largest 
trees  ;  and  the  stones  thrown  by  him  could  sweep  down 
forests.  Wherever  his  hand  rested  upon  a  rock  it  left 
an  ineffaceable  mark,  and  by  shaking  his  sandals  he 
gave  fire  to  his  subjects. 

We  have  here,  therefore,  the  j)rimitive  myth  com- 
pletely developed,  yet  still  simple  in  its  form.  That  is 
to  say  that  although  anthropomorphic,  its  various  feat- 
ures are  still  combined  in  the  one  personality  of  the 
Heaven-Spirit,  incarnate  and  conceived  as  the  bene- 
factor of  the  human  race.  To  complete  the  circle  that 
links  the  abstract  development  of  the  legend  to  its  pri- 

*  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  "Histoire  <lu  Mexiqiie,"  I,  p.  302.  Ace. 
to  Kingsborough  (Antiq.  of  Mexico,  V,  p.  109),  he  is  son  of  Tona- 
cateotl,  god  of  the  flesh  or  of  subsistence.     Brinton,  loc.  cit.,  p.  182. 

t  Among  the  Navajos  these  four,  who  here  are  anthropomorphized, 
are  swans  who  swifth-  fly  from  the  four  corners  of  the  horizon,  carry- 
ing bolts  under  their  wings.  They  are  the  creators  of  men  and  of 
animals. 


2l6  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

nieval  form,  the  symbols'  of  Qnetzalcoatl  are  the  bird, 
the  serpent,  tlie  cross,  and  the  flint.* 

In  Pern,  Apocatequil,  Son  of  the  Sky,  bnt  born  of  an 
e^g^^  represents  the  thunder  who  casts  lightning  from 
its  sling  in  the  shape  of  stones  ;  and  the  thunder-stones 
which  fall  upon  the  earth  are  his  children.  It  is  said 
that  few  villages  were  without  these  precious  talismans — 
round  stones  which  were  worshiped  as  gods  of  fire  as 
well  as  of  human  ardor — and  were  supposed  not  onh' 
to  insure  the  fertility  of  the  fields  and  to  protect  against 
lightning,  but  to  possess  the  property  of  kindling  pas- 
sion in  the  coldest,  sternest  breast.:!: 

In  China,  it  is  in  the  nest  of  the  celestial  bird  that  the 
tempest  is  brewed,  and  the  lightning  is  the  trace  of  its 
flight.  II     The   Storm-spirit  is   still    represented    by  the 

*Brintou,  loc.  cit.,  p.  133.  Tohil,  the  god  of  the  quiches,  which 
was  represented  under  the  shape  of  a  silex,  was,  according  to  Brinton, 
identical  with  Qnetzalcoatl.  The  legend  relates  that,  in  the  begin- 
ning, a  silex  fell  from  heaven  upon  earth  and  broke  into  1600  frag- 
ments, of  which  each  became  a  god  (loc.  cit.,  p.  157). 

t  The  legend  says  that  the  first  man,  Guamansuri,  created  by  the  Lord 
of  Heaven,  Ataguju,  descended  upon  earth  and  seduced  the  sister  of 
the  "dark  "  beings  who  inhabited  it,  and  who  revenged  themselves 
by  killing  him.  The  woman  died  in  giving  birth  to  tico  eggs,  of  which 
issued  forth  two  brothers.  The  most  powerful,  Apocatequil,  extermi- 
nated the  "dark"  beings  and  freed  the  Indians  from  the  soil  where 
they  were  buried,  in  upturning  the  earth  with  a  golden  spade.  (Brin- 
ton, loc.  cit.,  p.  153,  quoting  Montesinos,  "Ancient  Peru,"  II,  xx. 

j  Ibid.  Comp.  Prescott,  "Conquest  of  Peru,"  I,  96,  quoting  Her- 
rera,  "  Histoire  G^nerale,"  Dec.  5,  lib.  4-4. 

The  god  of  the  Incas,  Viracocha  Pachacaniac,  father  of  the  Sun, 
had  retained  the  attributes  of  the  ancient  heaven-god  of  the  Amayras, 
and  the  latter's  name  under  his  stormy  aspect.  The  Condor  was  the 
messenger  of  the  storm,  which  was  regarded  as  a  huge  bird.  Brinton, 
loc.  cit.,  p.  156. 

Ij  Tvler,  Researches  into  the  Early  History  of  Mankind,  p.  252. 


THE  FEATHER  AND  THE  WING.         21; 

Chinese  as  a  human  form,  whose  shoulders  are  supplied 
with  powerful  wiuc.i^s  and  whose  visage  is  armed  with  a 
bird's  long-  beak.  He  flies  through  the  heavens  brand- 
ishing his  mace.''' 

Similar  legends  and  superstitions  may  be  traced 
among  the  peoples  of  the  great  IMongolian  stock,  and 
all  regard  with  reverence  and  as  heaven-sent  the  flint 
implements,  associating  them,  in  their  folk-lore,  with 
the  heavenly  fire. 

It  may  therefore  broadly  be  stated  that  the  a.ssociation 
of  the  legendary  Heaven-bird  with  igneous  phenomena 
is  quasi-universal,  and  that  its  relation  not  only  to  the 
lightning,  the  sun  and  the  stars, f  but  also  to  the  spark 
enclosed  in  the  flint,  seems  to  assign  to  it  an  early  date 
in  the  intellectual  evolution  of  man. 

But  it  is  not  only  among  contemporary  races  in  vary- 
ino-  decrees  of  culture  that  we  find  these  beliefs  ;  if  such 
were  the  case,  our  researches  would  be  of  little  value. 
These  naive  products  of  the  imagination  of  men  whose 
minds  have  remained  more  or  less  unprogressive,  are 
only  interesting  to  us  because  they  help  us  to  under- 
stand a  large  number  of  poetic  legends,  religious  rites, 
and,  to  us,  singular  customs  observed  among  theancients, 
and  which  were  survivals  of  a  primeval  age  already  long 
left  behind  and  almost  forgotten,  at  the  opening  of  the 
historical  period. 

Viewed  in  this  light  they  afford  valuable  information 

*  It  is  represented  upon  sheets  of  yellow  paper,  -svliicli  are  used  as 
talismans  to  ward  off  the  lightning.  One  is  classified  under  No.  356 
of  the  Catalogue  of  Religious  Objects  Exhibited  at  the  Museum  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania  in  1892.  See  also  the  Chinese  legend  of 
the  bird  who  struck  fire  from  a  tree.  (A.  Kuhn,  "Herabkunst  des 
Feuers,"  p.  28.) 

tComte  Goblet  d'  Alviella,  "Hre  du  feu,"  p.  64. 


2l8  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

Upon  the  evolution  of  the  human  intellect,  and  enable 
lis  to  appreciate  the  conditions  under  which  existed,  in 
pre-historic  times,  the  founders  of  ancient  civilizations, 
of  which  they  represent  the  religion  and  the  science. 

The  mythical  bird  plays  an  important  role  in  Aryan 
tradition.  That  of  the  eagle  as  messenger  and  lightning- 
bearer  of  Zeus  need  not  be  dwelt  upon.  Among  the 
Iranians  the  raven,  according  to  Mr.  Darmesteter,  *  is 
the  seventh  incarnation  of  Verethragna  ;  and  when 
Yima,  having  strayed  from  the  straight  path  of  truth, 
lost  his  "Glory,"  this  flew  away  under  the  form  of  the 
bird  Varaghna,t  and  was  seized  first  by  Mithra,  the 
Sun-god,  then  by  Thraetona,  the  Storm  god,  and  finally 
by  Keresaspa,  the  hero  who,  on  the  last  day,  is  to  anni- 
hilate the  principle  of  evil  and  of  darkness. t  The 
XIV^li  Yast,  of  which  each  paragraph  begins  with  a 
sacrifice  offered  to  Verethraghna  and  which  is  entirely 
consecrated  to  that  god,  assimilates  him  first  to  the 
raven,  then  to  the  great  bird  the  Saena,||  that  is,  the 
eagle  or  the  hawk  who  inhabits  the  sacred  tree  where 
germinate  the  seeds  of  all  plants  as  well  as  the  remedy 
for  all  evils  ;§  and  where  resides  truth. 

*Zend  Avesta,  II,  Yast,  XIV,  19.  (Max  Miiller's  "Sacred  Books 
of  the  East,"  Vol.  XXIII.) 

fZend  Avesta,  II,  Yast  XIV,  18-21.  Comp.  Ibid.,  35.  The  raven 
is  one  of  the  incarnations  of  the  genius  of  victory,  and  this  "royal 
glory"  is  described  as  "flying  in  the  shape  of  a  raven." 

Xlbid.,  II,  XIX,  34-39. 

\\Ibid.,  II,  XIV,  19  comp.  41. 

^  Yast  XII,  10.  "  And  whether  thou,  O  holy  Rashnu  (truth)  art  on 
"the  tree  of  the  eagle  that  stands  in  the  middle  of  the  Sea  Vouru- 
"  Kasha,  that  is  called  the  tree  of  good  remedies,  the  tree  of  all  reme- 
"dies,  and  on  which  rest  the  seeds  of  all  plants  ;  we  invoke,  we  bless 
"Rashnu  the  strong,"  etc.     The  eagle,  Saena,  in  later  mythology,  is 


THE    FEATHER   AND   THE   WING.  219 

We  have  here,  therefore,  the  god — a  type  derived  from 
India — represented  by  the  raven  or,  according  to  others, 
by  the  hawk  of  light  and  the  eagle  of  the  fertilizing- 
storm  ;  that  is,  by  the  heaven-bird  now  divided  and  ap- 
pearing separately  under  his  two  principal  aspects. 

The  feather  and  the  bone  of  the  bird  Varengana,*  in 
the  Iranian  legend,  are  endowed  with  a  magic  power 
which  assures  to  its  happy  possessor,  not  only  a  glorious 
victory  over  his  enemies  and  a  protection  against  an  evil 
destiny,  but  also  life  and  health,  f 

In  order  to  guard  against  an  evil  spell,  Ahura  Mazda 
gives  the  following  advice  : ;{:  (35)  "Take  thou  a  feather 
"of  that  bird  .  .  .  the  Varengana — O  Spitama  Zara- 
"  thustra  !  with  that  feather  thou  shalt  curse  back  thine 
"enemies.  (36)  If  a  man  holds  a  bone  of  that  strong 
"bird,  or  a  feather  of  that  strong  bird,  no  one  can  smite 
"or  turn  to  flight  that  fortunate  man.  The  feather  of 
"that  bird  brings  him  help;  it  brings  unto  him  the 
"homage  of  men  ;  it  maintains  in  him  his  glory  .  .  .. 
"(38)  All  tremble  before  him  who  holds  the  feather, 
"they   tremble  tJiercforc   before    me;    all    my  enemies 

the  Sinaniru  or  Siniurgh ;  his  resting  place  is  011  the  tree  which  is 
Yadbcsh  (opposed  to  harm)  of  all  seeds  ;  and  always  when  he  rises  a 
thousand  twigs  will  shoot  forth  from  that  tree  ;  and  when  he  alights 
he  will  break  off  a  thousand  twigs,  and  he  sheds  the  seed  therefrom. 
And  the  bird  Chaninrosh  forever  sits  in  that  vicinity,  and  his  work  is 
to  collect  that  seed  which  sheds  from  the  tree  of  all  seeds,  which  is 
Yad-besh,  and  conveys  it  w^here  Tishtar  seizes  the  water,  so  that  Tish- 
tar  may  seize  the  water  with  the  seed  of  all  kinds,  and  may  rain  it  on 
the  world. 

*  Karl  F.  Geldner  regards  it  as  probably  the  hawk,  like  that  which 
figures  in  the  Odyssey,  13,  87. 

t  Comp.  Pliny  Nat.  Hist.     See  below,  page  222. 

X  Vast  XIV,  35-36-38. 


220  PAPERS   OF    THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

"tremble  before  me  and  fear  my  strength  and  victorious 
"force  and  the  fierceness  established  in  my  body." 

In  this  last  verse,  the  supreme  heaven-g-od  of  the  Per- 
sians seems  to  recall  his  origin,  and  the  explanation  of 
the  terror  inspired  by  him  might  lead  us  to  believe  that 
he  had  not  quite  forgotten  the  time  when  this  terrible 
feather  described  by  him  was  his  own.* 

We  find  these  miraculous  properties  of  the  feather  of 
the  celestial  bird  attributed  to  those  of  the  eagle  not 
only  by  other  ancient  peoples,  but  by  the  later  Persians 
themselves.  In  the  Shah-nameh,t  the  feather  whose 
magic  power  heals  the  wound  made  in  the  flank  of  Ru- 
dabah  at  the  birth  of  Rustem  was  that  of  the  eagle 
Srgmuih  ;  and  Rustem,  wounded  to  death  by  Isfendyar, 
was  cured  in  the  same  manner. 

In  the  Rig- Veda,  J  Indra  is  the  hawk  of  which  the 
flight  cannot  be  impeded,  and  which  carries  in  its  talons 
the  Soma — that  is,  the  essence  that  prolongs  existence 
and  brings  the  dead  to  life.  ||  There  also, §  the  Sun  is 
spoken  of  as  a  beautiful  bird,  with  golden  wings,  ivho 
files  through  the  heavens  as  a  messenger  of  Varuna — 
who  like  Zeus  wields  the  lightning. 

The  eagle  Garuda,  son  of  Vinata,  also  plays  a  con- 
spicuous part  in  Hindu  mythology  ;  and  in  the  Bhaga- 
vad-gita,T[  in  enumerating  his  forms,  the  god  says:  "I 
"am  Vishnu,  among  the  Adityas,  and  the  beaming  sun 
"among    shining    bodies.    .    .1    am    thunder    among 

*  In  the  Greek  legend  of  the  war  of  the  Titans,  it  is  the  eagle  that 
brings  Zeus  the  lightning. — Comp.  Gubematis,  II,  p.  194.  London, 
1892. 

tj.  Darmesteter,  loc.  cit.,  p.  241,  note. 

X  IV,  27,  1-4.  II  X,  144-5- 

\.  X,  123-6.  \  Ch.  10-30. 


THE  FEATHER  AND  THE  WING.         221 

"weapons;  I  am  tlie  son  of  Vinata  among  the  birds." 
Now  Garnda  is  the  vehicle  of  Vishnu. 

Elsewhere,  the  Chaldsean  legend  of  Etana,  such  as  it 
has  been  handed  down  to  us  in  the  cuneiform  texts  of 
El-Amarna,*  shows  the  hero,  guided  by  the  advice  of 
the  Sun-god  Shamas,  going  to  seek  the  eagle  to  obtain 
from  it  the  plant  that  jnoduces  birth  ;  and  in  this  myth, 
the  bird  pla)-s  the  double  role  of  healer  and  of  sage.  He 
is  also  the  traditional  enemy  of  serpents.  , 

It  is  curious  to  find  among  the  Babylonians  the  notion 
of  the  vital  principle  associated  with  the  Heaven-bird, 
now  become  the  shadow  of  his  fornier  self,  and  whose 
fallen  divinity  having  passed  into  the  legendary  stage, 
seems  to  have  preserved  in  their  traditions  a  vague  rem- 
iniscence of  its  ancient  power  as  creator  and  wielder  of 
the  heavenly  heat.t 

But  it  is  more  remarkable  to  be  able  to  trace  similar 
survivals  more  or  less  well-preserved  from  primitive 
times  in  tht  superstitions  of  nations  intellectually  nearer 
to  us. 

Pliny,!  in  his  Natural  History,  which  brings  us  the 
echo  of  the  science  and  popular  beliefs  of  his  epoch, 
tells  us  that  the  feathers  of  the  eagle,  if  brought  into 
contact  with  those  of  other  birds,  consume  them.S 

■*Wiuckler,  "  Thontafelfund  aus  Tcl-el-Amarna,"  II,  i66.  E.  T. 
Harper,  "Academy,"  l\Iay  30,  1S91. 

t  Among  the  Finns  the  same  healing  power  is  attributed  to  the  eagle, 
and  Mr.  E.  Beauvois  (Rev.  de  1'  Hre  des  Religs  ,  vi,  270-1.  "La 
magie  chez  les  Finnois")  cites  an  exorcism  in  which  that  bird  plays 
the  part  of  celestial  healer. 

ix,  5. 

^This  superstition  was,  it  is  stated,  shared  by  Albertus  Magnus,  who 
is  said  to  have  made  the  experiment. 


222  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

He  adds  that  this  bird,  in  order  to  construct  its  nest, 
uses  eagle-stones,  "aetites,"  otherwise  called  "gan- 
gites,"  which  are  used  as  a  remedy  and  are  fire-proof. 
Further  on,*  he  describes  at  length  these  aetites,  which 
probably  were  geodes  of  a  siliceous  nature  ;  and  he 
gives  numerous  details  as  to  the  virtues  that  were  at- 
tributed to  them.  According  to  him  they  were  re- 
garded as  male  and  female,  and  as  animated  with  a 
principle  jof  reproduction.  Not  only  was  their  presence 
in  the  nest  intimately  connected  with  the  birth  of  the 
young  eagles,  but  they  exercised  an  occult  influence 
upon  the  birth  of  man  ;  and  wrapped  in  the  skin  of  an 
animal  offered  up  in  sacrifice, f  and  worn  by  women 
approaching  their  term  of  confinement,  they  assured  the 
safe  birth  of  the  child. 

Here  again  we  have  a  hazy  reminiscence  of  the  eagle's 
former  elevated  mythological  position. 

Pliny  also  attributes  a  magic  power  to  the  feather  of 
the  vulture,  and  states  that  it  puts  the  serpents  to  flight..}; 

The  primeval  Heaven-God  seems  therefore  to  have 
been  closely  associated  in  the  minds  of  the  ancestors  of 
the  civilized  peoples  of  antiquity,  as  well  as  by  those  of 
non-civilized  modern  races,  with  a  bird  of  prey ;  and  its 
attributes,  in  the  secondary  myths  to  which  he  gave  rise, 
seem  later  to  have  become  divided  among  the  different 

*  XXXVI,  39. 

fThe  association  of  the  sacred  stone  with  the  animal  skin  mnst 
have  been  a  common  one  in  antiquit3^  (See  Leuormant,  "  Les 
Betyles.  Ber.  de  1'  Hre  des  Religions,"  III,  45.)  It  may.be  remarked 
that  in  Savoy,  stone  axes,  it  is  said,  are  still  found  wrapped  up  in  a 
goat-skiu  and  used  as  protective  talismans. 

X  In  Egypt,  the  ibis-feather  put  to  flight  the  most  voracious  croco- 
dile.    (Maspero,  Etudes  Eg3'ptiennes.)     I.  43,  1879. 


THE   FEATHER   AND   THE   WING.  223 

varieties  which  more  and  more  diverged  from  the  orig- 
inal type.  Its  evohuioii  seems  to  have  followed  the 
same  road  as  that  of  other  divine  types,  and  in  the  same 
manner  as  certain  primitive  deities.  Such,  for  instance, 
as  the  Nature-goddess,  whose  various  aspects,  whether 
beneficent  or  terrible,  gave  birth  to  several  distinct 
mythological  types  under  different  names.  So  do  we 
find  the  Heaven-bird  playing  in  turn  the  part  of  Solar- 
bird,  of  bird  of  the  fertilizing  storm,  and  of  the  terrible 
Storm-bird. 

In  the  Aryan  tradition,  and  without  taking  into  ac- 
count forms  that  became  more  and  uiore  highly  special- 
ized, we  have  seen  the  hawk  or  the  crow  Varengana, 
whose  feather  heals  and  protects,  and  the  Saena  who 
lives  in  the  tree  of  life  ;  we  also  find  him  in  the  shape 
of  the  gigantic  Ramak,  who  obscures  the  earth  and 
"holds  back  rain  until  the  rivers  are  dry,"  and  who 
struggles  against  the  hero,  benefactor  of  humanity.* 

Likewise  in  the  Chald^ean  legend, f  the  bird  of  the 
south  wind,  the  terrible  messenger  of  Anu,  who  strug- 
gles against  Adapa  the  Son  of  Ea,  and  breaks  his  wings, 
does  not  exclude,  as  we  have  seen,  the  eagle-creator  of 
the  legend  of  Etana,  or  the  Akkadian  Lugal-Tudda,  or 
others  still. 

In  studying  the  confused  multiplicity  of  legendary 
types  that  characterizes  the  national  literature  of  the 
civilized  races  of  antiquity,  we  should  not  however  for- 
get to  take  into  consideration  the  local  cults  and  the 
special  myths  and  mythological   t}-pes  of  which    these 

*  J.  Daruiesteter,  "  Zeud-Avesta,"  II,  pp.  296.  (Sac.  Books  of  the 
East.) 

t  Texts  of  El-Amarna,  pub.  by  Winckler,  "Tliontafelfund,"  etc., 
II,  p.  166.     Transl.  by  E.  T.  Harper,  "Acad."  May  30th,  1892. 


224  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

became  the  source.  These  local  influences  made  them- 
selves felt  in  the  general  literature  of  the  people,  when 
with  the  political  fusion  of  tribes  or  of  petty  states  there 
came  about  the  religious  syncretism  which  produced  a 
more  or  less  national  mythology. 

The  confusion  of  ornithological  genera  and  even  or- 
der which  reigns  in  the  legendary  narratives  cannot  fail 
to  strike  the  observer,  and  at  first  sight  tends  to  obscure 
the  link  that  united  each  to  the  primeval  family  tree  ; 
but  a  more  serious  study  of  these  ancient  myths  proves 
that  this  confusion  of  the  eagle,  the  hawk,  the  vulture, 
the  raven,  and  even  of  other  birds,  in  no  way  affects  the 
fundamental  idea,  and  that  the  myth-makers  themselves 
did  not  allow  their  imagination  to  be  trammeled  by  such 
considerations. 

According  to  INIr.  Houghton,*  in  Mesopotamia  the 
eagle  and  the  vulture  are  mentioned  on  the  monuments 
by  the  expression:  "Bird  of  Heaven,"  and  the  same 
term  serves  to  designate  the  two  genera,  although  occa- 
sionally a  special  name  is  given  to  a  particular  bird. 

The  eagle  which,  in  the  Zend-Avesta,  we  have  just 
seen  inhabiting  the  tree  of  life,t  among  the  Germanic 
peoples  bore  the  hawk  between  its  eyes,| 

The  raven  was  sacred  to  Apollo,  as  he  was  among  the 
Persians  to  Verethraghna,  and  among  the  Germans  to 
Odin;  and  according  to  Porphyry,  1|  the  priests  of  the 
Sun,  in  Persia,  were  called  "ravens."  § 

*  "On  the  Birds  of  the  Assyrian  Monuments,"  Proc.  of  the  Soc.  of 
Biblical  Arch.,  Feb.  7th,  1882. 
t  See  below,  p.  218. 

t  E.  Hugo  Meyer,  "  Germanische  Mythol.,"  p.  82. 
II  Cf.  Georgida,  I,  45. 
O-  Darmesteter,  Z.  A.,  Part  II,  p.  236,  note. 


THE    FEATHKR    AND    THE    WING.  225 

The  hawk,  which  with  the  eagle  was  by  the  Homeric 
Greeks  consecrated  to  Zeus,  was  regarded  as  the  messen- 
ger of  Phcebus  ;  *  and  for  the  Aryan  peoples  remained 
a  luminous  type.  .^lien,t  has  collected  numerous 
superstitions  in  which  tlie  hawk  represents  light  and 
life. 

The  gods  and  goddesses  of  the  Germanic  pantheon 
metamorphose  themselves  in  the  forms  of  eagles  and  fal- 
cons;! and  although  the  raven  seems  to  have  been  more 
especially  consecrated  to  Odin,||  that  god  none  the  less 
assumes  the  form  of  the  eagle;  §  and  upon  his  seal,  it  is 
the  eagle  which  is  said  to  be  associated  with  the  wolf.  1 
If  the  eagle  is  the  symbol  of  the  sun**  as  well  as  that  of 
the  storm,  the  raven  plays  the  same  roles,  ft  and  the 
Valkyries,  in  their  wild  race  through  the  air,  are  repre- 
sented as  accompanied  by  both  species  of  birds. it 

The  genealogy  of  several  of  the  mythical  birds  as  fur- 
nished us  in  the  Ramayana||||  may  give  some  idea  of  the 
vagueness  v^hich  existed  in  the  ancient  mind  with  re- 
gard to  their  ornithological  classification.  Tamra  gives 
birth  to  Kraunei  (the  mother  of  the  herons)  and  to 
Qyeni — that  is,  the  female  Hav/k  of  which  Vinata  was 
the    offspring.      Vinata    laid     the    egg    of   which    were 

-  Odyssey,  15,  525. 

I  Comp.  Gubeniatis,  "Zoological  Mythol."  IT,  p.  194. 
IE.  H.  Meyer,  loc.  cit.,  p.  151. 

II  E.  H.  Meyer,  loc.  cit.,  p.  59. 
§E.  H.  Meyer,  loc.  cit.,  p.  1S3. 

^  Grimm  "Deutsche  Mythology,"  p.  lo. 
**E.  H.  Meyer,  loc.  cit.,  p.  94. 
If  E.  H.  Meyer,  loc.  cit.,  p.  112. 
jj  E.  H.  Meyer,  loc.  cit.,  p.  177. 
'I!!  III.  20. 


226  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

hatched  Aruna  and  the  famous  eagle  Gariida  ;  and 
Garuda  in  his  turn  became  the  father  of  the  two  enor- 
mous vultures,  Gataya  and  Sampati.  Evidently  noth- 
ino-  could  be  wilder  than  this  m}-thical  pedigree. 

We  have  seen  that  the  vestiges  of  a  similar  train  of 
thought  are  found  in  the  Valley  of  the  Euphrates. 
There,  however,  as  might  have  been  expected  in  the 
presence  of  a  civilization  already  old  when  it  appears 
before  us,  the  original  type  had  already  given  birth  to 
complex  myths  in  which  the  ethical  and  abstract  ele- 
ments had  been  superadded  to  the  naturalistic  founda- 
tion; and  where  the  principal  theme  is  sui charged  with 
details  and  abstractions  which  indicate  the  length  of  the 
road  it  had  traveled  since  its  first  start. 

The  legend  of  Etana,  which  so  nearly  approaches 
the  Iranian  tradition,  has  already  been  alluded  to,  as 
well  as  that  of  Lugal-Tudda,  the  celestial  bird  of  the 
Akkads,  who  was  the  tutelary  god  of  Marad,  near  Sip- 
para,  the  City  of  the  Sun.  Like  Prometheus,  the  bird 
steals  the  sacred  spark  which  he  brings  upon  earth.  In 
communicating  it  to  men,  he  teaches  them  the  art  of 
fortelling  the  future  in  the  lightning,*  and,  like  Prome- 
theus, he  is  proscribed  and  punished  by  the  gods. f 

This  mj'th,  like  that  of  the  Greeks,  has  already  passed 

*  Divination  by  means  of  the  lightning  was  an  ancient  practice 
which  probably  originated  in  the  primitive  notion  that  heard  in  the 
thunder  the  voice  of  the  heavenly  Power.  As  says  the  Psalmist  (xxvii. 
i8),  "  The  voice  of  thy  thunder  was  in  the  whirlwind,"  "  The  voice  of 
God  breaks  down  the  cedars."  We  have  seen  that  the  same  belief 
was  similarly  expressed  in  the  American  Myths,  notably  that  of  guet- 
zalcoatl.  The  Etruskans,  as  well  as  other  ancient  people,  used  the 
lightning  to  forecast  future  events. 

t  A.  Sayce,  "Hibbert  Lectures,"  18S7,  pp.  291-295;  Chaldtean  Gene- 
sis, p.  193,  IV,  pp.  23-1. 


THE  FEATHER  AND  THE  WING.         227 

far  beyond  the  primitive  phase  that  is  now  occupying 
us,  but  tliere  is  little  doubt  that  these  legends  have  each 
been  developed  from  indigenous  local  myths,  the  origins 
of  which  belong  to  the  inferior  state  of  the  Chaldaean 
history.  One  of  the  principal  monuments,  unfortu- 
nately much  mutilated,  which. Mr.  de  Sarzec  discovered 
at  Telloh,  represents  half  an  eagle  with  outstretched 
wings,  whose  talons  rest  upon  the  back  of  a  standing- 
lion.  It  is  evident  that  the  kings  of  Telloh  had  made  of 
it  the  head-piece  of  their  consecration  tablet,  and  that 
perhaps  already  at  that  epoch  it  represented,  as  has  been 
suggested  by  Mr.  Leon  Heuzey,  "Victorious  Royalty," 
that  is,  "  the  royal  glory"  of  which,  as  we  have  seen,  it 
was  the  type  later  among  the  Persians  of  the  Avesta, 
and  which  with  the  development  of  Sun-worship  in 
Mesopotamia  eventually  was  conventionalized  into  tlie 
form  of  the  winged  sun-disk. 

On  the  reverse  side  of  the  Stela  of  the  Vultures  (Telloh), 
the  eagle  stands  behind  the  head  of  a  seated  warlike 
divinity.*  A  Chalda^an  cylinder,  published  by  Mr.  de 
Sarzec,t  sliows  us  the  eagle  with  stretched-out  wings 
carrying  a  human  figure;  by  his  side  is  the  eight-rayed 
star;  below,  two  animals  facing  each  other  raise  their 
heads,  and  certain  personages  seem  to  invoke  the  eagle. 
This  is  possibly  an  allusion  to  the  Etana  Myth. 

The  eagle  is  also  associated  with  the  god  of  Telloh, 
Nin  Ghirsu— the  "god  of  shining  light" — who  is  iden- 
tified by  Mr.  Oppert  with  the  Chaldsean  Herakles 
Ninip,  on  a  cylinder  of  the  de  Sarzec  collection. T 

*  Leon  Heuzey,  "Description  des  Monuments  de  la  Chaldee,"  p. 
8i;  cf.  uith  Mr.  de  Sarzec  "  Decouvertes  en  Chaldee,"  pi.  4  P.. 

t  De  Sarzec,  "Decouvertes  en  Chaldee,"  pi.  30,  bis  fig.  13. 

J  P.  34.  Leon  Heuzey,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  41  and  91,  also  note  \)y  Heuzey 
in  de  Sarzec's  "Decouvertes  en  Chaldee,"  p.  65. 


228  PAPKRS   OF    THE    ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

The  equivalent  of  the  divine  bird  of  the  Akkads  in 
the  Semitic  Mythology  of  Mesopotamia  is  "Zn,"  whose 
legend  furnishes  a  frequent  theme  to  the  ancient  en- 
gravers,* who  often  represent  episodes  of  his  mishap 
upon  the  cylinders. f 

This  variety  of  legendary  types  is  evidently  due  to 
local  developments  of  the  primeval  myth  and  to  the  in- 
terchange of  mythological  lore  that  followed  upon  the 
foundation  of  a  national  life. 

The  number  of  totemic  eagles — double  or  single- 
headed — that  have  been  preserved  to  us  by  the  art  of 
Western  Asia  is  large. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  is  that  found  upon  a  Hit- 
tite  monument  at  Euiku  (Pteria),  and  reproduced  by 
Messrs.  Perrot  and  Chipiez.^  It  is  double-headed,  and 
stands  like  that  of  Telloh,  but  upon  two  hares  instead  of 
a  lion. 

Mr.  Goblet  d'  Aiviella,  in  his  work  on  the  ^Migration 
of  Symbols,  11  mentions  a  number  of  specimens  found 
upon  ancient  coins,  ranging  from  the  jMediterranean  to 
India  where  the  bicephalic  type  seems  to  prevail. 

We  have  seen  that  the  belief  in  the  Heaven-bird  is 
very  wide-spread  on  the  African  Continent.  It  is  there- 
fore not  surprising  to  find  it  playing  a  conspicuous  part 

*Menaiit,  "  Recherches  sur  la  Gh^ptique  Orieutale;  Cylindres  de  la 
Chaldee,"  1S83,  p.  42;  p.  107,  fig.  61;  p.  109,  fig.  63,  etc. 

fThis  bird  is  brought  into  mythological  contact  with  the  Sun  by  the 
fact  that  the  "divine  bull,"  the  "Bull  of  Light,"  which  personifies 
the  Sun,  is  made  the  sou  of  "Zu."  (A.  Sayce,  "  Hibbert  Lectures," 
1887,  p.  295.) 

t  Hre.  de  I'Art  dans  I'Anliq.,  IV,  fig.  343. 

il  La  Migration  des  Symboles,  p.  31,  1891.  Mr.  d'  Aiviella  correctly, 
I  think,  traces  this  form  to  India  through  Persia  from  the  oMer  types 
referred  to. 


THE    FEATHER   AND   THE   WING.  229 

in  the  faith  of  the  ancient  Egyptians.  Indeed,  with 
their  characteristic  conservatism,  they  at  all  times  pre- 
served to  the  primeval  celestial  bird  a  place  in  their  re- 
ligion and  its  symbolism.  The  animism  of  their  fore- 
fathers, like  that  of  other  races,  seems  to  have  had  for 
principal  object  in  prehistoric  times,  the  Power  that 
rnled  the  Snperior  Space  ;  and,  like  many  others,  they 
seem  to  have  conceived  it  as  embodied  in  the  form  of 
the  high-flying  hawk.*  Althongh,  at  the  opening  of 
the  historical  period,  the  Egyptians  had  already  reached 
a  high  stage  of  civilization,  and  although  that  Power, 
by  a  process  common  in  mythology  had  already  become 
confused  with  its  chief  manifestation,  the  Sun,  with 
which  it  was  almost  identified,  enough  traces  remain  of 
the  original  conception  to  enable  us  to  distinguish  the 
primeval  character  of  the  elder  Horos,  the  Heaven-god, f 
from  the  Solar  Horos,  in  which  latter  form  he  typifies 
the  rising  sun.  Not  onl}^  does  his  name|  mean  the 
"Highest,"  the  "Superior,"  but  he  is  the  brother  of 
Osiris  (the  inferior  space),  and  of  Set  (the  earth-god,  the 
determination  of  whose  name  is  a  stone).  The  four 
cardinal  points  are  his  forms,  or  his  children,  and  he  is 

*  "A  hawk  issued  out  of  the  Nun,"  (Heavenly  Abyssus),  Book  of 
the  Dead,  Ixxi,  1.  i. 

The  texts  are  far  too  numerous  even  to  select  from  in  which  the 
Hawk  or  Golden  Hawk  are  mentioned.     See  Ixxvii. 

t  Horos,  "Avant  de  personnifier  le  Soleil  levant,  etait  la  partie 
Superieure  de  I'univers.  Le  firmament,  le  ciel,  pere  des  dieux,  qui 
fut  insensiblement  transforme  en  dieu  distinct  vivant  au  ciel."  (IMas- 
pero,  "Rev.  de  I'Histoire  des  Relig.,"  1889,  Vol.  xix,  p.  5.) 

J  "Her"  is  the  equivalent  of  the  Greek  ynEpiuv.  (Le  Page  Renouf 
Proc.  Bib.  Arch.,  April,  1S90.)  "Her"  was  originally  the  part  of  the 
world  situated  above.  The  word  means  above,  upon,  superior,  the 
most  high. 


230  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

frequently  identified  with  "Slui,"  the  "hnninous  air," 
who  supports  the  heavenly  vault,  and  "of  whom  the  air 
was  the  soul."  * 

The  antiquity  of  his  worship  in  this  form  is  shown 
not  only  by  the  fact  that  time  out  of  mind  was  expressed 
by  the  Egyptians  as  "in  the  days  of  the  followers  of 
Horos,"  but  by  the  immense  proportion  of  his  local 
forms  in  the  Egyptian  Pantheon.  Even  in  later  times, 
twenty-two  out  of  the  forty-nine  nomes  of  Egypt  wor- 
shiped Horos  under  sqme  name  or  other,  and  this  state- 
ment does  not  include  doubtful  forms,  f  Even  Amen- 
Re,  whose  following  was  next  to  that  of  Horos  in  point 
of  numbers,  was  only  worshiped  in  eight  nomes.  In 
early  times,  his  hawk  was  the  determinative  used  to  in- 
dicate the  divinity  of  the  gods. J 

But  the  most  important  fact  bearing  upon  this  point, 
is  that  the  early  monumental  kings,  who  were  worshiped 
as  the  embodiment  of  the  divine  power,  were  termed 
the  Horos  ;  and  that,  forever  afterwards,  whatever  might 
be  the  personal  predilection  of  a  king  for  any  other 
divine  type  in  the  pantheon — the  frame  enclosing  the 
royal  "Ka"  name — that  is,  the  name  of  the  immortal 
life  which  the  royal  person  was  supposed  to  derive 
directh'  from  the  god, — was  surmounted  by  the  crowned 
Hawk  of  Horos.  It  is  only  with  the  second  reign  of 
the  IVth  dynasty  that  the  formula  "Son  of  Re"  ap- 
pears among  the  royal  titles,  and  in  the  enumeration  of 
titles,  this  was  always  placed  after  the  older  form  and 

*  Brugsch,  '■  Recueil  de  Monumeuts,  etc.,  XXXIV,  4. 
The  four  cardinal  points,  or  the  four  winds,  although  their  names 
change,  are  always  the  sons  of  Horos. 
t  J.  de  Roug6,  Monnaies  des  Nomes,  etc. 
t  See  Pyramid  Texts,  in  "Recueil  de  Travaux  pr.  servir,"  etc,  etc. 


THE    FEATHER    AND   THE   WING.  23I 

implied,  as  it  were,  a  carnal  descent  from  the  Snn.  As 
Mr.  Maspero,*  in  a  very  suggestive  treatise  on  the  royal 
titles  has  shown,  the  relative  importance  of  these  two 
names  is  expressed  in  the  thought  that  the  king  is  the 
"flesh  of  Re,"  but  that  the  Spirit  of  Horos  is  incarnate 
in  him. 

It  would  therefore  seem  that  Horos,  whose  primeval 
role  of  Lord  of  the  Upper  Space  is  generally  admitted, 
and  whose  Spirit  was  supposed  to  be  incarnate  in  the 
Hawk,  which  in  their  graphic  system  stood  as  his  ideo- 
gram, belongs  to  the  pre-historic  period  of  Egyptian 
development. 

In  later  times,  when  abstract  speculation  superseded 
Sun-worship  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  the  original 
character  of  Horos  appears  to  have  once  more  become 
clear  to  the  Egyptian  mind,  for  his  name  is  found  writ- 
ten with  the  hieroglyph  of  the  heavenly  vault,  t 

In  the  Egyptian  mythology  Horos  generally  assumes 
a  warlike  role.  He  is  represented  as  the  Avenger,  the 
great  Heavenly  Striker,  and  it  is  perhaps  worthy  of  re- 
mark that  in  the  myths  connected  with  the  wrath  of  Re, 
and  which  belong  to  a  period  when  sun-worship  had 
over-shadowed  and,  to  a  great  extent,  even  absorbed 
others,  the  Sun-god  is  not  represented  as  striking  him- 
self, but  always  commissioning  Horos  or  one  of  the 
goddesses  to  strike  for  him. 

Most  of  the  Egyptian  goddesses  may  broadly  be  said 
to  represent  either  luminous  space  or  the  activity  of  the 
god  with  which  they  are  associated.    And  their  common 

*  Etudes  Egyptieunes,  II,  p.  276.     1S90. 
t  Champollion,  Notice?  publides,  p.  142-143. 

Comp.  Naville,  Testes  relatifs  au  Mythe  d'Horus,  and  Lefebiire  Les 
yeux  d'Horus,  Chap.  VI,  p.  95,  etc. 


232  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

attributes  made  it  easy  for  the  Egyptians  to  reduce  them 
to  one  type*— Sekhet,  the  "  Striker  "—Neith,  who 
"Shoots"— and  "Hat-Hor,"t  the  mother  of  Horos,  one 
of  whose  designations  rs  the  "Mighty  Striker,  son  of 
Hat-Hor,"  and  who,  at  Denderah,  where  she  was  espec- 
ially worshipped  as  the  "Only  One,"  is  expressly  called 
"Sekhet-Neith,"  are  all  called  "Eye"  of  Re. 

This  after  all  is  but  another  way  of  expressing,  in  a 
poetic  metaphor,  the  idea  symbolized  in  the  winged  sun 
disk,  especially  in  its  Mesopotamian  form,  where  the 
god  was  represented  in  the  center  between  the  wings 
and  above  the  tail  of  the  flying-disk,  shooting  his  arrows 
from  his  bow.  It  is  the  warlike  victorious  strength  of 
the  Heaven-spirit  of  old,  now  come  to  dwell  in  the  sun, 
and  become  what  the  Persians  of  the  Avesta  termed  the 
"Royal  Glory."! 

With  the  gradual  development  of  the  primitive 
Egyptians  into  an  agricultural  people,  and  with  the 
coincident  evolution  of  their  primeval  beliefs  into  a 
religion  in  which  the  beneficent  action  of  the  sun  was 
glorified  above  all  other,  Horos,  the  primeval  god  of 
the  superior  space,  whose  eye  was  the  sun,  came  to  be 
regarded  as  dwelling  in  the  sun,||  or  as  the  sun  itself, 

*  There  are  exceptions,  such  as  Maat,  who  represented  abstract 
truth  and  justice,  Safekh,  etc.,  and  in  certain  localities  where  the 
goddess  stood  alone,  like  Neith  at  Sais,  she  included  all  the  attri- 
butes of  divinity.   But  her  place  in  the  local  Triad  is  as  indicated  above. 

t  Her  name  means  the  "  House  of  Horos." 

j  This  sjmibolism  seems  to  have  presented  itself  to  the  imagination 
of  other  remote  peoples;  at  least  an  Aztec  pra^-er  recorded  by  Sahagun 
(Hist.  Nueva  Espaiia,  lib.  IV,  cap.  4),  and  quoted  by  Dr.  Brinton,  Myths, 
etc.,  p.  144,  says  that  the  ancient  god,  father  or  mother  of  all  the  gods, 
is  "the  god  of  the  fire  who  stands  in  the  centre  of  the  court  with  four 
walls  and  who  is  covered  with  brilliant  feathers  like  wings." 

II  "I  am  he  who  resides  in  his  eye.    I  come  and  I  give  truth  to  Re," 


THE    FEATHER    AND   THE   WING.  233 

and  the  Hawk,  in  whose  shape  he  was  made  visible  to 
man,  became  more  especially  a  solar-symbol.  But  al- 
though many  were  the  solar  types  to  which  a  hawk's 
head  was  oiveii,  the  bird  remained  the  special  hiero- 
glyph of  Horos;  for  to  the  primeval  Egyptians,  as  to 
other  men  in  a  primitive  stage  of  culture,  the  Spirit  of 
the  Superior  Space  was  incarnate  in  that  bird.  Once 
having  taken  up  his  abode  in  the  sun,  the  Primeval 
Heaven -God  seems  to  have  retained  his  attributes.  Tliis 
is  conspicuously  brought  forward  in  his  local  form  of 
the  Flying  Sun-Disk  of  Edfu.  In  the  Horos  myth  of 
this  locality,  where  Re  orders  Horos  to  strike  his  ene- 
mies, Horos  flies  to  the  sun  as  the  great  flying-disk  and 
then  strikes:*  from  that  day  forward  he  is  known  as  the 
Horos  of  Edfu. 

According  to  Mr.  Lepage  Renouf,t  Behuted,  the 
Egyptian  name  of  the  Flying  Sun-disk,  means  "Seat." 
The  form  therefore  would  seem  to  be  the  Seat  of  Horos 
— the  body  in  which  he  enters  and  dwells. 

This  myth  is  evidently  not  one  of  great  antiquity  (see 
Wiedem.ann,  loc,  p.  43),  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  it 
was  invented  to  account  for  the  symbol. 

says  the  B.  of  the  D.,  XCVI,  1.  i.  That  is  the  Heavenl}'  vSpirit  mani- 
fested in  the  sun.  According  to  many  texts  (for  instance  comp. 
Recueil  de  Trav.,  I,  p.  121).  "Hail  to  thee,  O  mighty  lord,  who 
raises  the  double  feather.  Thou  art  the  lord  of  the  numerous  be- 
comings (Kheperu),  and  of  the  appearances  which  hide  him  (the  god) 
in  the  Solar-Eye  (TJta)  at  his  birth." — Pierret  "Etudes  Egyptolog., 
I,  66. ' '  Such  expressions  are  common.  The  process  is  a  common  one. 
Compare  with  similar  transitions  among  the  American  beliefs.  For 
instance,  in  Oregon  the  Great  Spirit  inhabits  the  sun;  when  angry 
he  issues  forth  and  produces  a  storm.  A  Reville,  "Relig.  des  Non- 
civilises,  I,  p.  217. 

*  A.  Wiedemann,  "Religion  des  Alten  ^gypter,"  p.  38,  1S90. 
fProc.  Soc.  Biblical  Arch.,  1886,  Vol.  8,  p.  144. 


234  PAPERS   OF   THK   ORIKNTAL   CLUB. 

Under  the  IV-li  dynast}-  the  flying-hawk  itself  protects 
the  victorious  King  Khufu.* 

The  winged  sun-disk,  as  a  s}'mbo],  makes  its  appear- 
ance for  the  first  time  on  a  monument  of  the  V^li  dy- 
nasty. Then  it  is  a  simple  disk  set  between  two  wings 
slightly  inclining  downward.  Under  the  VI*^^^  dynasty 
an  inscription  of  Unas  found  at  Elephantine  by  Mr. 
FIinders-Petrie,t  shows  us  the  Flying-disk  convention- 
alized. The  wings  are  straightened  out  and  the  sacred 
asps  already  have  been  added. 

At  Wadi-Magharah,  Pepi  I.  appears  protected  on  one 
side  by  the  flying-hawk,  on  the  other  by  the  flying-disk, 
then  evidently  regarded  as  equivalent.  +  (See  accom- 
panying illustration.) 

Under  the  XlPh  dynasty,  like  other  forms  of  Egyptian 
art,  the  type  became  fixed,  and  other  dual  symbols  were 
gradually  added,  such  as  the  two  ram's  horns,  etc. 

Although  the  idea  of  the  Heaven  bird  belongs  as  we 
have  seen  to  the"  dawn  of  mythology,  and  is  quasi-uni- 
versal among  men  in  the  stone-age  of  their  evolution, 
it  would  seem  somewhat  perplexing  to  know  how  the 
flying  sun -disk,  as  a  symbolic  object,  originally  suggested 
itself  to  the  mind  of  the  ancient  artist,  but  we  may  per- 
haps furnish  a  clue  to  its  pedigree. 

Among  the  fine  diorite  statues  of  King  Khafra  which 
were  found  in  the  well  of  his  sepulchral  temple  at 
Ghizeh,  there  is  one  which  has  not  been  so  widely 
noticed  as  the  more  celebrated  one,  casts  of  which  are 
in  nearly  all  museums.  It  represents  the  monarch,  the 
"  living  Horos,"  in  the  usual  way  ;  but  close  behind  his 

*  Lepsius,  Deiikmaler,  III  Bl.,  2.  c,  Peniusula  ofSiuai. 

t  Flinders-Petric.     A  Season  in  Egypt,  1887,  p.  13,  fig.  312. 

iDenkmaler,  IV  Bl.,  116. 


r 


THE  FEATHER  AND  THE  WING.         235 

head  stands  the  divine  bird,  enclosing  it  between  its 
down-stretched  wings.     (See  illustration.) 

If  we  remember  the  peculiar  ideas  of  the  Egyptians 
concerning  the  seat  of  life  and  of  vital  heat  in  man,  as 
indicated  in  their  funeral  ritual  and  customs,  and  the 
manner  in  which  the  life  was  called  down  into  the 
mummy  or  into  its  substitute  by  means  of  the  imposi- 
tion of  hands  by  the  priest  at  the  back  of  the  head;* 
if  we  call  to  mind  the  way  in  which  an  idol,  once  ani- 
mated by  similar  esoteric  means,  could  communicate  its 
"life"  to  another  statue  by  touching  it  on  the  back  of 
the  head,t  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  understand  the  in- 
tention of  the  artist  or  of  those  who  ordered  this  statue. 
The  god,  or  its  incarnation,  the  Hawk,  is  in  the  very 
act  of  imparting  his  essence,  his  life,  his  divinity,  to  his 
living  self  upon  earth — the  King. t 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  Khafra  is  the  king  who 
for  the  first  time  added  to  the  claim  made  by  his  prede- 
cessors to  be  the  "living  Horos, "  that  of  being  "Son 
of  Re"  the  Sun-God.  He  was  obviously  a  devoted  sun- 
worshiper;  and  it  is  to  his  reign  that  the  Egyptians  of 
the  New  Empire  attributed  the  great  Sphinx  of  Ghizeh, 
which  represents  Har-em-Khu  (Horos-on-the-Horizon), 
the  Horos  of  Heliopolis. 

From  these  indications,  it  would  seem  as  though  Sun- 
worship  proper  had  received  great  encouragement  under 
his  reign.  We  have  seen  that  an  example  of  the  flying 
sun-disk  has  been  preserved  to  us,  which  dates  from  the 

*  Maspero,  "  Rituel  du  Sacrifice  funeraire,"  1SS7. 
t  E.  cle  Rouge,  Etude  sur  une  Stele  de  la  Bibliotlieque  Nationale,  p. 
111-136. 

X  Compare  above  the  represeutation  of  the  Alaska  Crow  in  his  role 
pf  Creator,  p.  214. 


236  PAPERS   OF   THE    ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

following  dynasty — how  much  earlier  than  the  reign  of 
Ra-en-nser  the  symbol  was  evolved  is,  of  conrse,  not 
known  ;  bnt  those  who  conceived  and  executed  the 
statue  of  Khafra,  evidently  pointed  the  way  to  the  artist 
who  first  represented  the  sun-disk  set  between  the  wings 
of  the  Divine-bird,  At  least  the  same  train  of  thought, 
the  same  symbolism,  inspired  both. 

The  idea  of  incubation,  practiced  by  the  gods  as  a 
life-imparting  process,  is  a  very  common  one  in  Egypt- 
ian myth  ;  and  it  is  constantly  and  clearly  expressed  in 
art,  as  well  as  in  the  religious  literature  of  all  periods, 
by  the  divinity  or  its  symbol  spreading  out  its  wings 
over  the  body  to  be  animated. 

Isis  and  NepHthys  are  repeatedly  called  the  two  "Set- 
ters" or  incubators  ;*  and  these  goddesses  spread  their 
wings  over  the  mummy  to  impart  new  life  into  it.  The 
mother-goddess,  in  the  shape  of  a  vulture,  spreads  her 
wings,  and  a  textf  makes  her  say  :  "I  cover  thy  couch 
and  give  life  to  the  back  of  thy  neck."  This  process  of 
incubation  is  often  expressly  connected  with  the  idea  of 
heat.  The  mother  of  the  Sun-god,  for  instance,  in  a 
text,t  is  said  at  the  moment  of  the  birth  of  the  god,  to 
bring  her  own  life  "to  the  back  of  his  neck  in  flame  ;" 
and  in  another  it  is  said,  "  I  light  in  you  a  spark  to  cre- 
ate (or  produce)  life  in  you."|| 

A  disk-amulet  inscribed  with  magic  devices  was  in 
later  times  placed  under  the  head  of  the  mummy  to  pre- 
serve this  vital  heat ;  and  a  chapter  of  the  Book  of  the 

*  Book  of  the  Dead,  ch.  XX,  p.  6.     Pyrd  de  Teti,  "  Rec.  deTravaux," 
V,  p.  32,  p.  257  and  p.  260.     The  expression  is  used  in  many  texts, 
t  Lepsius,  Denkmaler,  IV,  46. 
t  Lepsius,  Denkmaler,  IV,  p.  11. 
II  De  Rouge.    Etude  sur  uue  Stele  de  la  Bibliotheque  National,  p.  117, 


THE  FEATHER  AND  THE  WING.         237 

Dead*  gives  tlie   formula   for   "placing  heat  under  the 
head  of  the  defunct." 

The  idea  of  heat  or  fire  as  the  source  of  life  is  wide- 
spread. The  Egyptians  conceived  the  Intellect  (or 
Khut)  as  a  divine  spark  clothed  in  the  soul  or  Ba. 
This  belief  was  shared  by  the  Alexandrians  who,  ac- 
cording to  the  Hermes  Trismegistns,t  regarded  this 
ligneous  element  as  capable  of  resuming,  "at  death,  its 
garment  of  flame  which  it  could  not  wear  upon  earth." 

But  to  return.  It  therefore  seems  probable  that  the 
artist  or  the  priest  who  conceived  tlie  symbolism  of  this 
statue  I'aid  the  egg  from  whicli  the  winged-disk  was 
afterwards  evoh-ed.  From  the  representation  of  the 
king,  the  son  of  the  Sun,  with  his  head  held  between  the 
wings  of  tlie  Divine  Hawk — the  prinieval  incarnation  of 
strength,  of  life  and  of  power,  which  thus  were  commu- 
nicated to  him, — to  the  same  device  applied  to  the  snn 
disk  which  many  texts  call  "the  body"  in  which  the 
soul  dwells,  and  which  is,  therefore, — like  the  king  him- 
self,— but  another  embodiment  of  the  great  Heavenly 
Power,  there  was  for  the  symbol-maker  but  a  step 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  was  soon  afterwards  taken. 

The  winged-disk  was  the  emblem  of  the  Heavenh- 
Power  conceived  in  primeval  times  as  a  bird,  and  which, 
under. the  form  of  its  embodiment,  the  hawk,  had  come 
to  dwell  in  the  sun.  Of  somewhat  rare  occurrence  under 
the  old  Empire,  when  it  appears  only  on  royal  commem- 

■•■- Ch.  CLXII 

t  Ed.  Meuard,  pp.  65-67.  Accordin<^  to  Heraklitus  eternal  fire  was 
not  only  one  of  the  four  elements  ;  it  was  the  primordial  essence, 
source  of  all  things  and  superior  to  the  gods.  And  as  he  saj'S  that 
the  "  lightning  governs  the  world,"  it  is  evident  that  he  means  celef- 
tial  fire  as  representing  the  vital  principle.  Comp.  IMax  Miiller, 
Physical  Religion,  245-6. 


238  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

orative  inscriptions,  its  importance  as  a  symbol  increased 
so  much  that  from  the  XVIII\^i  dynasty  it  was  set  over  the 
entrance  of  monuments,  which  it  was  supposed  to  guard 
and  to  protect.  It  played  in  Egypt  the  role  which  the 
great  winged  Bulls  of  the  Assyrians  played  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Euphrates. 

It  is  likeh'-  that  it  is  to  the  same  order  of  ideas  and  to 
a  local  variante  of  the  same  primitive  myth  that  the 
vulture,  which  typified  Upper  Egypt  and  was  worshiped 
at  El-Kab,  on  its  southern  border,  under  the  name  of 
Nekheb,  owed  its  place  in  the  Pantheon. 

This  was  the  embodiment  of  motherhood  as  well  as  its 
hieroglyph  in  the  graphic  system.  The  mother-goddess 
of  Thebes,  Mut,  wore  it  upon  her  head  as  a  head  dress, 
and  the  Queens  of  Egypt  adopted  it  as  an  insignium  of 
their  royalty.* 

That  the  notion  which  in  primitive  times  lurked  at 
the  base  of  the  vulture  symbolism  of  Upper  Egypt  was 
similar  in  its  general  bearings  to  that  of  the  Hawk  sym- 
bolism of  Horos,  is  indicated  by  many  texts.  The  god- 
dess Nekheb  is  called,  as  are  otlier  goddesses,  the  "eye 
of  Re."  She  is  a  "light"  goddess,  and  the  eye  of  Horos 
is  likened  unto  "the  light  which  appears  in  El-Kab."t 

Nekheb  sits  upon  the  head  of  the  gods,t  and  her  vul- 

*In  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to  find  the  maternal  relation  of 
the  goddesses  determined  in  the  Egyptian  graphic  system  by  an  egg. 

fComp.  Rec.  de  Travaux,  I,  112-131  :  "  I<es  deux  yeux  du  disque 
solaire,"  by  Mr.  Grebant,  who  has  collected  many  passages  which 
bring  the  attributes  of  Horos  and  of  Nekheb  in  close  relation.  The 
two  uTsei  added  to  the  Flying  Sun-Disk  of  Edfu  represent  Nekheb  and 
Uati,  which  stand  for  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  or  for  the  Northern  and 
Southern  Divisions  of  the  Heavens. 

X  Mariette,  Ab^-dos,  I,  43.  Nekheb  appears  in  the  text  of  the  Pyr.' 
of  Teti,  I,  359,  as  wearing  the  white  crown  with  the  two  feathers. 


THE    FEATHER    AND   THE   WING.  239 

ture,  soaring  in  space,  replaces  tlie  solar  "Eye,"  which 
she  personifies.  Above  an  inscription*  maybe  seen  the 
"ut'a"  or  "eye,"  which  here  is  the  eqnivalent  of  the 
sun-disk,  represented  with  the  wings,  the  feet  and  the 
head  of  the  vulture,  f 

The  texts  are  innumerable  that  speak  of  the  god  as 
hidden  in  the  disk,  whilst  a  winged  goddess  makes  light 
with  her  feathers  or  with  her  wings. |  The  Solar-Eye  is 
constantly  made  the  equivalent  of  the  feathers,  ||  and  the 
disk  is  frequently  alluded  to  as  the  egg.T[  Even  Re  is 
spoken  of§  as  "in  his  egg  which  shines  in  his  disk." 
Other  birds  seem  to  be  brought  into  relation  with  the 
same  symbolism  ;  for  instance,  in  the  text  of  the  Pyra- 
mid of  Teti**  the  wing  of  Thoth  is  referred  to  as  tlie 
vehicle  of  the  eye  of  Horos  in  its  journey  towards  the 
east  of  the  Heavenly  Abyssus.  The  goose,  the  swallow, 
etc.,  as  the  embodiments  of  certain  deities  play  roles, 
similar  to  those  of  the  hawk,  the  vulture  or  the  ibis. 
This  confusion  is  no  doubt  due  to  local  cults  at  a  time 
preceding  the  political  consolidation  of  the  Empire,  and 
the  tendency  to  mythological  syncretism  that  followed 
upon  that  event. 

The  feather  and  the  wing  in  Egyptian  myths  are  al- 

*Denknialer,  III.  25-1;  see  also  "  Papyrus  de  Liiynes,"  in  Rec.  de 
Travaux,  I,  Plate,  at  the  end  of  Fascicule  3. 

t  Hymne  de  la  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  1.  5. 

jHymue  de  la  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  1.  15. 

II  For  instance  (Ch.  XVII,  Book  of  the  Dead,  1.  14),  and  here  the 
feathers  are  made  the  equivalents  of  the  goddesses  Isis  and  Nephthys, 
who  give  life  by  incubation. 

§  As  in  Ch.  XXII  of  the  B.  of  the  D.,  also  Ch.  XLII,  1.  13. 

•ffB.  of  D.,  XVII,  1.  50. 

**Recueil  dc  Travaux,  V,  p.  22,  1.  1 87-1 89. 


2*40        PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

wavs  and  ev'erywhere  associated  with  the  notion  of  heat 
and  of  light,  and  form  endlessly  varied  themes.  Not 
onlv  are  the  goddesses,  as  we  have  seen,  spoken  of  as 
making  light  with  their  feathers  or  with  their  wings, 
but  "Shu,"  the  god  of  the  luminous  air,  who  supports 
the  heavenly  vault,  bears  a  feather  upon  his  head,  and 
"rising,  he  irradiates  light  with  his  double  feather."  * 
"Thou  receivest  th}'  double  feather,  thy  double  light," 
says  a  text.f  "The  sun,  mighty  king,  divides  the 
heaven  with  his  tv/o  feathers,"  sayy  another. | 

As  already  remarked,  this  feather  of  light,  at  the 
dawn  of  the  monumental  history,  had  already  given 
birth  to  an  abstract  conception  and  was  worn  by  Maat, 
the  goddess  of  truth  and  justice,  of  which  it  was  the 
symbol.  In  this  connection,  of  course,  the  feather  re- 
presented moral  light,  and  in  this  the  primeval  idea 
had  now  reached  its  highest  possible  development. 

It  would  be  absolutely  impossible  to  understand  how 
a  feather  ever  could  have  become  the  embodiment  of 
Light  and  Life,  of  Power,  Truth  and  Justice,  unless  we 
knew  the  part  played  by  the  Heaven-Bird  in  the  beliefs 
of  primeval  days. 

This  inquiry  is  only  interesting  because  it  illustrates 
how,  in  the  course  of  millenniums,  a  gradual  uninter- 
rupted development  of  the  human  intellect  will,  under 
favorable  circumstances,  from  the  crudest  and  most  con- 
crete beliefs  common  to  primitive  humanity,  produce 
among  certain  nations  the  highest  metaplnsical  concep- 
tions, whilst  other  less-favored  races  remain  stationary 
or  perhaps  even  descend  from  the  original  starting-point. 

*  Hvmne  a  Osiris  de  la  Bibliotheque  Natiouale,  I.  12. 

fMariette,  Abydos,  I,  p.  58. 

i  Pierret,  Etudes  Egyptologiques,  II,  3. 


THE    FKATHER    AND    THE    WING.  241 

One  fact  stands  ont  plainly  from  the  above  stud>-:  that 
is,  that  one  should  be  cautious  in  drawing  conclusions 
as  to  ethnic  affinities,  or  even  contact  and  influence,  from 
anv  similarity  in  the  methods  used  by  various  races  to 
express  ideas  that  seem  more  or  less  common  to  man- 
kind. 

Beginning  with  our  non-civilized  contemporaries  in 
all  parts  of  the  world,  we  have  traced  one  primeval  idea 
through  nations  of  more  or  less  rapid  growth,  and 
through  those  whose  national  existence  was  more  or 
less  prolonged.  We  have  followed  the  thread  through 
the  labyrinth  of  time  and  of  human  evolution,  through 
the  Chinese,  the  Indo-Germanic  races,  the  Iranians,  the 
Romans,  the  Greeks,  the  Vedic  Hindus,  the  Babylo- 
nians, etc.,  until  we  readied  Egypt  where,  upon  the 
very  confines  of  the  prehistoric,  we  found  ourselves  in  the 
presence  of  a  mode  of  expressing  the  divine  relation  to 
man,  similar  to  that  which  on  starting  our  inquiry,  we 
saw  in  use  to-day  in  Alaska.  Who  will  contend  that, 
between  the  tribes  of  the  North  Western  coast  of 
America  in  the  19th  century  A.  D.,  and  the  Egyptian 
subjects  of  King  Khafra  in  the  IVth  mill.  B.  C,  any 
closer  connection  exists  than  that  of  a  common  hu- 
manity? 


THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES. 

BY    PAUL    HAUPT. 

Schopenhauer  says  that  a  man  cannot  fully  appre- 
ciate the  second  verse  of  Ecclesiastes  until  he  has  reached 
the  age  of  seventy/  If  this  remark  of  the  great  philoso- 
pher be  true,  it  would  seem  as  if  the  days  of  the  years  of 
all  the  commentators — whose  number  is  legion — fell  be- 
low the  three-score  years  and  ten,  and  that  the  rest  of 
this  strange,  though  fascinating  book  is  as  difficult  to 
comprehend  as  the  beginning. 

The  book  is  marked  by  an  exceptional  originality  :  it 
is  unique  in  the  whole  range  of  Biblical  literature, 
Renan  spoke  of  it  as  the  only  charming  book  that  was 
ever  written  by  a  Jew.  Heinrich  Heine  called  it  the 
Canticles  of  Skepticism,  while  Franz  Delitzsch  thought 
it  was  entitled  to  the  name  of  the  Canticles  of  the  Fear 
of  God.  Others  say  it  appears  to  be  the  production  of  a 
melancholy  misanthropist,  the  work  of  a  patriarch  of 
agnosticism  ;  we  seem  to  hear  the  language  of  an  Epi- 
curean sensualist,  and  the  disputations  of  a  wavering 
skeptic.  The  first  four  chapters  have  been  termed  the 
catechis7n  of  pessimism,  and  Hartmann  styles  the  book 
the  breviary  of  modern  materialism. 

From  the  earliest  times  down  to  the  present  age,  Ec- 
clesiastes has  attracted  the  attention  of  thinkers.  It  was 
a  favorite  book  of  Frederick  the  Great,  who  referred  to 
it  as  a  Mirror  of  Princes.  But  Biblical  students  of  all 
ages  have   experienced  some  difficulties  about  this  re- 

(242) 


THK    BOOK   OF    ECCLESIASTES.  243 

markable  production.  Some  in  the  Jewish  Church  de- 
nied the  canonicity  of  the  book  :  we  read,  the  "wise 
men  tried  to  hide  i^ligenbs)  the  book,"  /.  ^. ,  sought  to 
decL^re  it  apocryphal.  They  said,  the  book  ought  to  be 
regarded  as  inferior  to  the  other  books  of  the  canon,  be- 
ing written  not  under  the  guidance  of  a  Ingher  than  hu- 
man inspiration,  but  as  the  outcome  of  Solomon's 
natural  wisdom.  So  the  Bishop  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia 
(t  428  A.  D.)  said  :  ^'^ Salonionem  prober bia  sua  el  Ec- 
clesiasten  ex  sua  saltern  persona  ad  alianiin  iitilitatent 
covposuisse^  non  ex  propJietiae  accepta  gratia^  sed  saltern 
pntdeiitia  Jntrnanay 

In  tlie  first  century  after  Christ  the  book  was  still  an 
Antilegomenon^  until  the  synod  of  Jabne,  or  Jamnia, 
(90  A.  D.  j  decided  in  favor  of  the  canonicity  of  the  book. 
The  rival  schools  of  Shammai  and  HiLLEL  were  divided 
on  the  subject.  The  school  of  SHAM^^IAI  objected  to 
several  passages  v>diich,  apparently,  were  not  only  at 
variance  with  statements  in  the  iMosaic  law,  and 
"  David's"'"  teachings  in  certain  psalms,  but  seemed  also 
to  contradict  one  another.  They  pointed  out  e.  g.,  that 
Ecclesiastes  in  4,  2,  praises  the  dead  more  than  the  liv- 
ing, while  he  sa}s  in  9,  4  :  I'eri/y-'  a  living  dog  is  better 
than  a  dead  Hon.*  They  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
we  read  in  Eccl.  11,  9  :  Walk  in  the  ways  of  thy  heart., 
and  in  the  sight  of  thine  eyes.,  while  we  are  tauglit  in 
Num.  15,  39  :  Seek  not  after  yonr  oivn  Jieart  and  yonr 
Ocun  eyes.  They  found  in  the  book  an  alarming  recom- 
mendation of  sensual  pleasures.  HiLLEL  and  his  dis- 
ciples, on  the  other  hand,  laid  stress  on  the  exhortation 
as  contained  in  5,  6,  and  12,  13  :  Fear  God  and  keep  his 
eouiniandnients.  A  careful  examination,  however,  will 
reveal  the  fact  that   these  and  similar  passages  are  later 


244  PAPERS   OF   THK    ORIENTAL    CLUB. 

interpolations.  One-half  of  the  book  consists  of  snbse- 
quent  additions,"  and  it  is  solely  on  acconnt  of  these 
secondary  interpolations  (which  are  on  a  par  with  the 
Denterononiistic  expansions  in  Judges  and  Kings)  that 
Ecclesiastes  has  been  admitted  to  the  Canon.  The 
genuine  portions  are  out  of  place  in  it :  they  are  anti- 
Biblical,  though  by  no  means  irreligious  or  immoral. 
Their  author  is  not  a  theologian,  but  a  man  of  the  world, 
probably  a  physician,""  with  keen  observation,  vast  ex- 
perience, and  penetrating  insight,  A  New  Testament 
believer,  however,  could  not  have  written  Ecclesiastes 
or  the  Book  of  Job. 

Both  works  must  have  stirred  up  a  sensation  wdien 
they  first  made  their  appearance  :  they  must  have  had  an 
effect  somewhat  like  Count  Tolstoi's  Kreutzer-Sonata, 
and  it  required  no  Jewish  Wanamaker*"  to  advertise 
them.  Renan  says  :  "Ecclesiastes,  as  well  as  the  Song 
of  Solomon,  are  a  few  profane  pages  which,  by  some 
curious  accident,  have  found  their  way  into  that  strange 
and  admirable  volume  termed  the  Bible.  The  Jewish 
doctors  understood  neither  the  one  nor  the  other,  other- 
wise they  would  not  have  admitted  such  compositions  to 
the  collection  of  sacred  writings.  It  was  their  stupidity 
that  made  them  able  to  make  out  of  a  dialogue  of  lovers 
a  book  of  edification,  and  out  of  a  skeptical  book  a 
treatise  of  sacred  philosophy.  Solomon's  Song  and  Ec- 
clesiastes are  just  like  a  love  ditty  and  a  little  essay  of 
Voltaire  which  have  gone  astray  among  the  folios  of  a 
theological  library." 

I  cannot  agree  with  the  famous  French  critic  in  this 
respect :  I  believe  the  theological  contemporaries  of  Ec- 
clesiastes were  by  no  means  too  stupid  to  grasp  the  im- 
port of  his  anti-Biblical  statements,  but,  as  they  were 


THK    BOOK   OF   ECCLESIASTKS.  245 

unable  to  suppress  the  book,''  they  endeavored  to  darken 
its  real  meaning  for  dogmatic  purposes,  saying,  as  Geo. 
Hoffmann'  puts  it  in  his  striking  translation  of  Job  re- 
cently published  :  "  Let  us  save  the  attractive  book  for 
the  congregation,  but  we  will  pour  some  water  in  the 
author's  strong  wine." 

As  Graetz  observes,  a  dislike  seems  to  have  prevailed 
against  the  book  in  the  Christian  Church  as  well  as  in 
the  Jewish  Synagogue.  It  is  characteristic  that  Eccles- 
iastes  is  never  cited  in  the  New  Testament,  or  in  the 
early  Fathers.  Some  exegetes,  to  be  sure,  have  pointed 
out  a  number  of  passages  which  they  say  are  based  on 
the  book  of  the  Old  Testament  philosopher,  but  it  is 
difficult  to  see  any  connection  between  the  passages  re- 
ferred to.*  There  is  a  chapter  in  the  Gospels,  however, 
which  is  evidently  directed  against  Ecclesiastes,  and  it 
is  remarkable  that  the  fact  has  never  been  noted." 

The  chief  maxim  of  Ecclesiastes  is  :  There  is  nothing 
better  than  to  eat  and  drink  and  be  merry.  We  find  this 
Epicurean  teaching  repeated  five  times  (2,  24;  3,  12, 
22  ;  5,  17  ;  8,  15),  and  W\^.rejoice  of  Ecclesiastes  is  differ- 
ent from  the  ja'pere  of  Philippians.  Now  we  read  in  Luke 
12,  15-31,"  a  passage  which  contains  several  allusions  to 
the  book  of  Ecclesiastes  :''  The  ground  of  a  certain  rich 
man  brought  forth  plentifully.  And  he  said,  I  will 
pull  down  my  barns  and  build  greater.  And  I  will  say 
to  my  soul  :  Soul,  thou  hast  much  goods  laid  up  for  many 
vears,  ava-avov,  (pdje,  nie,  ei'^pan-oi',"  take  tliiuc  casc,  eat,  drink 
and  be  merry.  But  God  said  unto  him  :  Thou  fool,  this 
night  thy  soul  shall  be  required  of  thee.  Seek  ye  first 
the  kingdom  of  God  and  his  righteousness.  Take  no 
thought  for  the  morrow..    Sufficient  unto  the  day  is  the 

evil  thereof,      iipKtruv  -y  //utpa  /}  KaKlaavn]- — KaKia,  t.   £..   KaK6rr/-,OY 

as  Chrysostom  explains  it :  ru/ai-upia. 


246  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

There  can  be  no  stronger  condemnation  of  the  teach- 
ings of  Ecclesiastes  than  these  words  of  onr  Saviour ; 
and  it  seems  to  me,  this  ought  to  settle  the  question 
whether  Ecclesiastes  has  any  claims  to  canonical  au- 
thority. 

The  old  dispensation  digs  its  own  grave  in  the  book 
of  Ecclesiastes.  The  Old  Testament  philosopher  says : 
nothing  is  lasting,  it  is  all  transitoriness,  the  world  alone 
abideth  for  ever.  In  the  New  Testament,  on  the  other 
hand,  we  read  (i  John  2,  17):  The  world passeth  away  and 
the  hist  thereof^  but  he  that  doeth  the  zvill  of  God  abideth 
for  ever ;  and  in  i  Cor.  13,  13  :  Faith^  hope^  love  abideth^ 
and  tJie  greatest  of  tJiese  is  love. 

It  Vv'onld  be  rash,  however,  to  draw  the  conclusion 
that  the  New  Testament  was  optimistic  and  the  Old 
Testament  pessimistic.  Schopenhauer"  is  right  in 
saying  that  on  the  whole  the  spirit  of  the  old  dispensa- 
tion is  optimistic,  and  the  spirit  of  the  New  Testament 
pessimistic — /,  <?.,  of  course,  so  far  as  this  world  is  con- 
cerned, the  Trdvra  Ka/M?uav,  behold  it  ivas  very  good^  finds  no 
echo  in  the  New  Testament.  Righteousness  is  the 
ethical  ideal  of  the  old  dispensation,  love  one  another 
the  Kcuvy  EVTOM/  "the  new  commandment,"  in  which  are 
comprehended  all  Christian  virtues. 

Some  people  consider  the  appearance  of  the  pessi- 
mistic school  of  philosophy  as  one  of  the  saddest  phe- 
nomena of  the  present  age  :  they  regard  j)essimism  as 
the  outcome  of  atheism  leading  to  the  denial  of  the 
existence  of  the  Eternal  ;  they  believe  that  the  conclu- 
sions of  the  advocates  of  this  philosophy  are  destructive 
not  only  of  faith,  but  also  of  morality.  We  must  re- 
member, however,  that  we  are  told  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment to  overcome  the  world,  to   hate   our  life   in   this 


THE    BOOK   OF   KCCLESIASTES.  247 

world,  and  the  things  that  are  in  the  world.  Pessi- 
mism— cum  grano  salis — may  be  found  among  men  not 
only  outwardly  reckoned  as  faithful,  but  really  be- 
lievers. 

While  Schopenhauer  is  right  in  saying  that  the  at- 
mosphere of  the  old  dispensation  is  anti-pessimistic,  it  is 
undoubtedly  true  that  certain  portions  of  Hebrew  liter- 
ature are  decidedly  not  optimistic.''^  We  read  in  Beresh- 
itJi  rabbd^  c.  9,  that  in  the  copy  of  Rabbi  Meir  the  words 
ic'i'hinuek  tob  mcbdJi^  "behold  it  was  very  good,"  were 
altered  into  wcJiinneJi  tobJi  ninth ^  "behold  it  was  good  to 
die,"  and  in  another  passage  we  are  told  :  iobh  mcbdh 
3c/i  maVcikh  havimdiucth^tdbh  mcbdh  ("very  good"), 
that  is  the  angel  of  death.'" 

The  most  striking  pessimistic  pendant  to  Ecclesiastes 
is  the  great  didactic  poem  known  as  the  Book  of  Job. 
The  chief  subject  of  this  remarkable  composition  (prob- 
ably written  about  the  time  of  Darius  Hystaspis,  B.  C. 
521-485)  seems  to  be  :  The  sufferings  of  man  are  greater 
than  his  sins;  and  why  is  it  that  so  many  villains  are 
never  punished  ?  Wherefore  do  the  wicked  prosper,  be- 
come old,  yea  are  mighty  in  power?  They  die  in  their 
full  strength,  being  wholly  at  ease  and  quiet,  and  the 
righteous  passes  away  in  the  bitterness  of  his  soul,  hav- 
ing never  tasted  happiness.  ]\Ian  is  born  unto  trouble. 
Our  days  are  vanity,  our  life  wind,  our  days  upon  earth 
are  as  a  shadow  ;  we  are  but  of  yesterday,  and  know 
nothing.  Man  that  is  born  of  a  woman  is  of  few  days 
and  full  of  trouble;  he  cometh  forth  like  a  flower  and  is 
cut  down  ;  he  fleeth  as  a  shadow  and  continueth  not. 
Wherefore  are  we  brought  forth  out  of  the  womb  ?  Why 
are  we  not  carried  from  the  womb  to  the  grave  though 
he  that  goeth  down  to  the  graye  shall  come  up  no  more?" 


248  TAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

So  Ecclesiastcs  says :  The  righteous  perish  in  spite  of 
their  righteousness,  and  the  wicked  prolong  their  life  in 
spite  of  their  wickedness.  The  wicked  are  buried  in 
the  place  of  the  holy,  and  they  that  have  done  right 
must  make  room  and  are  forgotten.  The  race  belongs 
not  to  the  swift,  nor  the  battle  to  the  heroes;  everything 
depends  on  time  and  chance.  Like  fishes  caught  in  the 
death-dealing  net,  like  birds  entrapped  in  the  snare,  so 
are  the  sons  of  men  ensnared  at  the  evil  hour  that  falls 
upon  them  suddenly.  Perhaps  it  has  been  thus 
arranged  to  show  men  that  they,  ipsissivii^  are  beasts. 
Certainly  the  same  fate  happens  to  man  and  beast,  there 
is  no  superiority  of  man  over  the  beast.  All  is  transi- 
toriness.  Who  can  tell  whether  the  spirit  of  the  sons 
of  men  ascends  upwards,  and  the  spirit  of  the  beasts 
descends  downwards?  Nevertheless  I  praise  the  dead 
more  than  the  living,  and  better  off  are  those  who  were 
never  born,  because  they  do  not  see  the  sufferings  of 
this  world.  What  is  the  use  of  living\and  raising  chil- 
dren born  to  suffer?  If  a  man  beget  a  hundred  and 
live  a  great  many  years,  yea  however  numerous  may  be 
the  days  of  his  years,  even  if  no  grave  waited  for  him — 
if  his  soul  should  not  drink  in  happiness  to  the  full,  I 
say  :  better  is  an  untimely  birth  !"^ 

It  is  not  wonderful  that  the  canonicity  of  the  book 
was  seriously  contested.  But  while  objections  were 
brought  against  the  inspired  character  of  the  work,  no 
doubts  were  raised  as  to  the  Solomonic  authorship  of 
the  book.  Up  to  the  period  of  the  Reformation,  Eccle- 
siastcs was  always  regarded  as  a  work  of  the  great  king 
of  Israel.  Luther  was  the  first  who  ventured  to  deny 
the  truth  of  the  traditional  view.  He  considered  Ec- 
clesiastcs  one  of    the   latest  books   of    the   O,  T. ,    and 


THE   BOOK   OF   ECCLESIASTES.  249 

thought  it  more  probable  that  it  was  written  by  Ben  Sira 
than  by  Solomon.  He  remarked  in  his  Table  Talk,  the 
book  seemed  to  him  to  have  been  compiled  like  a  Tal- 
mud from  a  number  of  books,'*  perhaps  from  the  library 
of  King  Ptolemy  Euergetes  in  Egypt  {c.  B.  C.  170). 
Luther's  later  opinion  was  that  the  book  contained  a 
collection  of  Solomonic  sayings,  but  not  compiled  by 
Solomon. 

A  similar  view  was  advanced  by  Renan  in  his  well- 
known  work  on  the  History  of  the  Semitic  Languages. 
He  thought  it  impossible  that  a  work  of  such  daring 
skepticism  should  have  originated  during  the  post-exilic 
period  of  Judaism.  His  argument  is  not  formidable, 
but  it  is  just  as  questionable  to  consider  the  pessimistic 
attitude  of  the  book  as  evidence  of  a  late  period.  Pes- 
simism is  perhaps  as  old  as  mankind. 

There  is  an  old  clay  tablet  published  in  the  second 
volume  of  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson's  Ciinciforvi  Itiscrip- 
tions  of  Western  Asia^  which  may  be  called  the  oldest 
known  specimen  of  W(7^/^<7 /-poetry,  /.  ^,,  didactic  poetry 
as  represented  by  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes, 
and  Ecclesiasticus.  This  cuneiform  text  contains  a  re- 
markable passage  which  has  been  entirely  misunder- 
stood heretofore.'"  Sayce  translates  it  in  the  eleventh 
volume  of  the  Records  of  the  Past  (London,    1878),   p. 

155: 

To  the  waters  their  god'' 

has  returned  : 

to  the  house  of  bright  things 

he  descended  (as)  an  icicle  : 

(on)  a  seat  of  snow'-' 

he  grew  not  old  in  wisdom 


250  PAPERS  OF  thp:  oriental  club. 

The  real  meaning-  of  the  lines  is:  "When  their  God 
had  turned  away,  misery''*  invaded  the  dwelling  places. 
The  wicked  established  himself,"^  but  the  righteous'^® 
waxed  not  old."  The  religious  and  devout  whose  devo- 
tion his  Lord  disregarded,'"  and  everything  noble  which 
his  Lord  forsook,  their  want  set  in,  and  their  suffering'^" 
was  heightened." 

The  pessimistic  tendency  of  Ecclesiastes  is  no  cri- 
terion for  the  date  of  the  book.  Renan  seems  to  have 
perceived  the  weakness  of  his  argument,  for  in  his  essay 
on  Ecclesiastes  published  in  1882,  he  abandoned  his 
former  view,  and  advanced  the  theory  that  the  book  was 
written  about  the  time  of  John  Hyrcanus  (B.  C.  135- 
106). 

There  is  scarcely  a  scholar  of  eminence  now  who 
ventures  to  defend  the  Solomonic  authorship.  The 
most  conservative  critics  believe  that  the  book  cannot 
have  been  written  before  the  time  of  Ezra  and  Nehe- 
miah  [c.  450  B.  C).  Ewald  thought  it  was  composed 
about  the  end  of  the  Persian  period  (B.  C.  331),  Hi- 
TziG  and  NoLDEKE  during  the  Greek  dominion,  while 
Graetz  tried  to  prove  that  the  work  was  directed 
against  Herod  the  Great,  so  that  Ecclesiastes  would 
have  been  a  contemporary  of  Horace.  This  date  is 
probably  approximately  correct.  While  I  do  not  believe 
that  the  book  is  aimed  at  Herod,  I  am  inclined  to  think 
that  Ecclesiastes  represents  the  latest  book  of  the  Old 
Testament,  later  even  than  the  books  of  Daniel  and 
Esther,  a  view  which  is  shared  by  so  conservative  a 
scholar  as  Professor  Edward  Konig,  of  Rostock  (see 
his  Einleitung,  §  80).  C.  H.  H.  Wright's'"  statement 
that  satisfactory  evidence  was  afforded  of  the  existence 
of  the   Book   of  Ecclesiastes  at  least  two,  if  not  three 


THK    BOOK   OF    ECCLESIASTES.  251 

centuries  before  the  Cliristian  era  is  untenable.  We  are 
told  that  the  two  apocryphal  books  of  Ecclesiasticus  and 
the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  which  were  written,  at  the 
latest,  about  B.  C.  180  and  150  respectively,  presuppose 
the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes.  It  is  true  that  the  Wisdom  of 
Solomon  seems  to  have  been  designed  as  an  Anti-Eccle- 
siastes.  Of  course,  that  is  conclusive  only  so  far  as  the 
genuine  portions  of  Ecclesiastes  alluded  to  in  the  Book 
of  Wisdom  are  concerned;  the  theological  interpolations 
in  Ecclesiastes  may  be  considerably  later,  and  perhaps 
partly  based  on  the  Book  of  Wisdom.  But  it  can  not 
be  proved  that  the  Book  of  Wisdom  was  written,  at  the 
latest,  about  150  B.  C.  It  may  be  considerably  later 
(see  KoxiG,  Einleit.^  %.  107).  TyleR  made  an  attempt 
to  prove  that  the  author  of  Ecclesiastes  was  acquainted 
wath  the  writings  of  post-Aristotelian  philosophers.  It  is 
evident  that  the  work  cannot  have  originated  before  the 
Ptolemaic-Seleucidan  era,  but  I  fail  to  discover  any  real 
trace  of  Greek  influence.  The  alleged  Grecisms  first 
discovered  by  Canon  Zirkel,  of  Wiirzburg  (in  1792), 
and  recently  defended  by  Graetz,  are  imaginary.^' 

To  determine  the  exact  date  seems  to  me  impossible. 
There  are  several  passages  which  appear  to  allude  to 
some  particular  historical  event,  but  the  facts  related  do 
not  agree  with  any  well-known  incidents  in  history.''' 
Nor  is  this  wonderful  if  we  bear  in  mind  that  Jewish 
history  since  the  death  of  Nehemiah  (about  B.  C.  415) 
down  to  the  accession  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (about 
B.  C.  175)  is  almost  a  complete  blank.  The  annals, 
too,  of  the  Persian  Empire  are  very  deficient  from  the 
death  of  Xerxes  (in  465)  down  to  the  appearance  of  Al- 
exander the  Great  on  the  stage  of  history. 

The   only  sure   criterion   is   the   language.     The  lin- 


252  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

f^iiistic  features  of  the  book  are  incompatible  witli  the 
traditional  view  of  the  Solomonic  authorship.  The 
idiom  approximates  in  some  respect  to  that  of  the 
Mishna,  and  is  decidedly  not  Solomonic:  it  teems  with 
Aramaisms.  There  are  nearly  a  hundred  words  and 
forms  characteristic  of  an  era  of  the  Hebrew  language 
far  later  than  Solomon'" — a  fact  which  was  first  pointed 
out  by  the  famous  Dutch  scholar,  Hugo  GROTius,f  in 
1644,  ^t  is  true  that  the  book  has  undergone  several 
changes,  some  words  and  passages  may  have  been 
altered,  and  considerable  interpolations'*^  have  been  in- 
troduced into  the  original  work,  but  if  the  genuine  por- 
tions were  Solomonic  there  would  be  no  history  of  the 
Hebrew  language. 

Advocates  of  the  traditional  view  have  made  various 
attempts  to  account  for  the  Aramaisms.  The  Vienna 
theologian,  Ed.  Bohl,""  thought  that  Solomon  used  the 
Aramaic  language,  so  uncommon  at  his  time,  in  order 
to  show  his  erudition!  x^n  English  divine  believes  that 
the  great  king  tried  to  accommodate  and  approximate 
the  style  of  the  book  to  the  dialect  of  the  Eastern  peo- 
ples under  his  sway.  The  book  was  a  great  missionary 
manifesto  to  the  heathen  inhabitants  of  these  lands ! 
Such  naive  ignorance  can  only  do  harm  to  the  cause  it 
endeavors  to  help.  The  Aramaisms  in  Ecclesiastes,  just 
as  in  the  Book  of  Job,  are  simply  due  to  the  late  date  of 
the  book. 

Most  critics  believe  that  the  author  of  Ecclesiastes 
assumed  the  name  of  Solomon  and  stepped  forward  in 
this  character,  in  the  same  way  as  the  author  of  the  Book 
of  Job  introduces  into  his  magnificent  dialogue  that 
patriarch  and  his  friends  as  speakers,  or  as  Cicero  in  his 
treatise  De  senectiite  selects  Cato  Major  as  the  exponent 


THE    BOOK    OF    ECCLESIASTES.  253 

of  liis  views,  or  as  Plato  brings  forward  Socrates.  This 
would  be,  of  course,  a  perfectly  allowable  literary  device, 
and  not  a  pia  Jraiis.'''  It  lias  always  been  considered 
entirely  justifiable  for  an  author  to  portra}-  the  feelin.j^s 
and  sentiments  of  distinguished  persons  on  remarkable 
occasions.  The  references  and  allusions  to  Solomon, 
however,  in  the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes  are  so  scanty  that 
it  is  hard  to  believe  the  original  author  meant  to  assume 
the  mask  of  the  famous  king  of  Israel.  Nor  does  the 
author  of  the  epilogue -^^  appear  to  know  anything  of 
this  assumption.  After  the  second  chapter  there  is  no 
allusion  to  Solomon  whatever,  so  it  is  most  likely  that 
the  distinguished  Catholic  theologian,  Professor  Gus- 
TAV  BiCKELL,  of  Vienna,  is  right  in  believing  that  the 
superscription  :  Words  of  Ecclesiastes  who  was  a  son  of 
David  and  king  in  Jentsaleni^  as  well  as  the  few  allu- 
sions to  the  great  king,  represent  subsequent  additions. 

Just  as  the  post-exilic  psalms  written  by  unknown 
writers  were  ascribed  to  David,  who  was  ever  regarded 
as  the  religious  poet  of  the  nation,  so. Solomon  was 
looked  upon  as  the  impersonation  of  wisdom,  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  largest  practical  experience  and  highest 
intellectual  knowdedge.  Most  maxims  and  proverbs, 
therefore,  were  attributed  to  him.  But  the  legends  con- 
cerning Solomon's  wisdom  and  writings  in  i  K.  3.  5. 
10,  occur  in  late  sections  of  the  book  and  are  probably 
devoid  of  any  real  historical  truth.  It  cannot  be  proved 
that  we  have  anything  written  by  Solomon,  nor  is  it 
certain  that  there  is  a  song  of  David  in  the  Psalter."' 
The  Psalter  is  a  product  of  post-exilic  Judaism;  several 
of  its  songs  belong  to  the  Maccabean  '"  period  (after  the 
death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  B.  C.  163). 

I  do  not  believe  that   to  deviate  as  widely  as  possible 


254  PAPERS   OF   THI"^   ORIKXTAL   CLUB. 

from  tradition  constitutes  the  chief  criterion  of  an  un- 
prejudiced philologian,  but  it  must  be  owned  that  no  one 
is  less  entitled  to  the  halo  whicli  tradition  has  woven 
around  him  than  Solomon  (r.  B.  C.  950).  He  was  noth- 
ing more  than  a  ruler  of  the  average  Oriental  type/' 
His  people  groaned  under  heavy  taxes  and  bond  service. 
He  levied  30,000  men  every  >ear,  and  sent  them  to 
Mount  Hebron  to  break  stones  and  cut  trees.  He  had 
70,000  that  bare  burdens,  and  80,000  hewers  in  the 
mountains.  He  loved  many  strange  women,  liad  700 
wives  and  300  concubines.  He  went  after  Ashtoreth, 
the  goddess  of  the  Sidonians,  and  after  Milcom,  the 
abomination  of  the  Ammonites  ;  he  built  a  high  place 
to  Chemosh,  the  abomination  of  IMoab,  in  the  hill  that 
is  east  of  Jerusalem,  and  burnt  incense  and  sacrificed 
unto  the  gods  of  his  strange  wives.  His  yoke  was 
grievous  and  his  burden  heax-y.  It  was  not  wonderful 
that  the  people  came  to  Rehoboam  {c.  B.  C.  925)  saying: 
]\Iake  the  yoke  which  thy  father  put  upon  us  lighter  ! 
The  actual  Solomon  of  liistory  was  no  philosopher,  still 
less  was  he  the  author  of  a  pessimistic  treatise  like  the 
Book  of  Ecclesiastes. 

There  is  no  author  of  the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes,  at  any 
rate  not  of  the  book  in  the  form  in  which  it  has  come 
downi  to  us.  If  the  book  in  its  present  shape  shiOuld 
have  been  written  by  one  author,  he  must  have  been  a 
duplex  personality  of  the  Hyde-Jkkyll'"  type.  But  the 
book  we  have  is  not  intact.  If  reminds  me  of  the  re- 
mains of  a  daring  explorer  who  has  met  with  some  ter- 
rible accident,  leaving  his  shattered  form  exposed  to  the 
encroachments  of  all  sorts  of  foul  vermin.  It  is  a  mis- 
take to  suppose  that  the  hypertrophic  portions  are  tlie 
work  of  one  interpolator.      In   some  cases  there  are  lialf 


THE    BOOK   OF    ECCLESIASTES.  255 

a  dozen  parallel  strata  of  glosses.*'  And  not  satisfied 
with  the  obscuration  of  the  original  book,  the  theologi- 
cal revisers  tried  to  cut  up  and  dislocate  the  text  as 
much  as  possible,  destroying  the  order  and  logical  se- 
quence. This  accounts  for  the  phenomenon,  acknowl- 
edged by  all  commentators,  that  in  the  present  form  of 
the  book  there  is  no  proper  arrangement,  no  intimate 
connection  between  the  individual  verses  :  it  seems  like 
a  conglomeration  of  disjecta  menibr^a^  or,  as  Graetz  re- 
marks, like  hieroglyphics  or  cuneiform  characters  where 
some  words  or  clauses  are  intelligible,  but  the  whole 
wnthout  any  sense  whatever.  I  protest,  of  course,  on 
behalf  of  Assyriology,  against  this  unfair  comparison. 

The  fact  that  dislocations  had  taken  place  was  first 
recognized  by  J.  G.  Van  der  Palm*'  in  1784*'.  Professor 
BiCKELL  published  a  little  book,*"  in  1884,  in  which  he 
endeavored  to  show  that  the  confusion  was  merely  due  to 
a  mistake  of  a  book  binder,  who  misplaced  the  quires*' 
of  the- manuscript,  but  the  demonstration  of  the  learned 
Catholic  critic  is  not  con\'iucing.  The  disarrangement 
was  certainly  not  accidental,  but  intentional.  Graetz 
tried  to  explain  the  hopelessly  obscure  character  of  the 
book  on  the  theor}'  that  the  author  did  not  dare  to  speak 
freely  ;  that,  as  PIengstenberg  conjectured,  it  was 
dangerous  for  the  author  to  give  vent  to  his  feelings. 

The  fact  that  there  are  two  entirely  different  elements 
in  the  book,  is  indirectly  recognized  by  the  exegetes,  who 
believe  the  work  to  be  dialogical.  D6d?:ri,ein  and 
Nachtigael  thought  the  book  contained  a  dialogue 
with  questions  and  answers.  Herder  and  EiCHiiORX 
found  in  it  a  disputation  between  student  and  teacher ; 
Hengstenberg  believed  he  heard  the  voice  of  the  spirit 
in  opposition  to  the  voice  of  the  flesh.      Some  passages 


256  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

have  often  been  explained  as  ironical.  Schenkel,  in 
his  Bible  Lexicon^  says  we  hear  two  voices,  the  voice  of 
true  wisdom  {hassekel)  and  the  voice  of  ipsv6oao(pm  {Jiad- 
dimyoii).  Siegfried  sees  in  it  a  controversy  between 
philosophy  {hokhnid)  and  religion  {yir'dth  cloJfini).  The 
English  Hebraist  Tyler  believes  that  Stoicism  and  Epi- 
curean maxims  are  contrasted  in  order  to  show  that  all 
philosophy  is  useless,  and  to  inculcate  the  fear  of  God. 

It  will  perhaps  be  never  possible  to  find  out  how  the 
present  disarrangement  took  place,  but  I  quite  agree  with 
Geo.  Hoffmann,^*  who,  speaking  of  the  Book  of  Job, 
says  :  "Any  conjectures  as  to  the  course  which  the 
thoughts  of  the  destroyer  may  have  followed,  are  less  im- 
portant than  the  fact  than  the  sons  of  twilight  were 
unable  to  bear  the  clearness  of  the  great  author,  and  to 
hand  it  down  in  its  pure  form." 

Many  interesting  questions  present  themselves  which 
I  cannot  discuss  here.  Nor  will  time  permit  me  to  give 
a  survey  of  the  whole  book  restored  in  its  original  order 
and  freed  from  the  glosses  that  have  clustered  about  it. 
I  will  confine  myself  to  translation  of  the  final  section  of 
the  book,  restored  by  combining  9,  7-10  ;  11,  1-3  ;  10, 
8-11  ;  11,  4.  6.  9^  10  ;  12,  y-^\  6.  5'^  ;  11,  S''. 

After  having  shown  that  everything  is  ceaselessly  go- 
ing on  the  same  rounds,  that  there  is  nothing  new  under 
the  sun,  and  nothing  lasting,  nothing  that  gives  real 
satisfaction,  neither  wealth,  nor  knowledge,  nor  sensual 
pleasure  ;  that  there  is  competition  and  oppression  every- 
where, and  no  justice  ;  that  it  is  better  not  to  be  born, 
and  that  the  best  a  man  can  do  is  to  eat,  drink  and  be 
merry,  and  try  to  enjoy  his  work — Bcclesiastes  closes 
with  the  following  apostrophe  : 


THK    BOOK    OF    ECCLKSTASTES.  257 

Cbe  CloBing;  Section  of  CcclrsiaBtcg/' 

9,  7  Come,  eat  thy  bread  with  joy, 

Aud  drink  thy  wine  with  a  merry  heart  ; 

For  God  hath  loi]g  ago  approved  of  (all)  thy  doings.'" 

8  Let  thy  garments  be  always  white, 

And  let  oil  not  be  lacking  upon  thy  head.  5 

9  Enjoy  life  with  a  woman  whom  thou  lovest^- 
All  the  days  of  thy  fleeting  life  ; 

For  this  is  thy  share  in  life, 

And  in  the  toil,  wherein  thou  toilest  under  the  sun,^' 
10  But  whatsoever  thy  hand   findeth  to  do  within    thy 
power — do  it!  10 

For  there  is  no  work,  nor  planning,  nor  knowledge, 

nor  experience 
In  Sheol,  whither  thou  art  going.;^ 
11,  I  Send  forth  thy  bread-corn  over  the  waters. 

Though  many  days  may  pass,  thou  wilt  recover  it. 

2  But  give  a  share  to  seven  (ships),  or  even  to  eight,    15 
For  thou  knowest  not  what  evil  may  happen  upon 

the  earth.^' 

3  If  the  clouds  are  full  of  rain, 

They  empty  them.selves  upon  the  earth  ; 

And  if  a  tree  falleth  in  the  south,  or  in  the  north, 

In  the  place  where  the  tree  falleth,  there  it  will  be."*  20 

9,  9  («)  all   the  days  of  thy  fleeting  life  which   he  hath  given   thee 
under  the  sun. 

■K- 

*     * 

4  (,)')  because  for  him  who  is  associated  with  all  the  living  there 

is  some  prospect,  for  indeed  "a  living  dog  is  better  than  a 

5  dead  lion."  Though  the  living  know  that  they  must  die, 
the  dead  do  not  know  anything,  and  they  have  no  more  any 
reward,  except  that  the  memory  of  them  is  forgotten— their 
love  as  well  as  their  hatred  and  their  rivalry  is  passed  long 
ago,  and  for  ever  they  have  no  longer  any  share  in  aiivthing 
that  is  done  under  the  sun. 


258  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

10,  8  He  that  diggeth  a  pit,  maj'  fall  into  it, 

And  whoso  breaketh  down  a  wall,  a  serpent  may  bite 
him. 
9  Whoso  quarrietli  stones  may  be  hurt  therewith, 
And  he  that  heweth  trees  may  cut"  himself  thereb}'. 

10  But  if  the  iron  be  blunt,/  he  must  put  forth  more 

strength, ^^  25 

1 1  And  if  the  serpent  biteth  before  enchantment, 
The  charmer  is  of  no  use."'' 

11,4  He  that  watcheth  the  wind  will  never  sow. 

And  he  that  observeth  the  clouds  will  never  reap. '5 
6  In  the  morning  sow  thy  seed,  30 

And  in  the  evening  let  thy  hand  not  rest,'"' 
For  thou  kuowest  not  whether  will  thrive. 
Either  this  or  that,  or  whether  both  together  will  be 
good."* 

10,  10  (;)  that  means  :  if  he  hath  not  sharpened  the  edge. 

*  '^* 
8,  S  (cO  there  is  no  man  that  hath  power  over  the  wind  {fo  check  the 
wind),  neither  hath  he  any  power  over  the  day  of  death;  just  as 
there  is  no  quarter  in  war,  ||  nor  will  icickedness  deliver  those 
11,  5  that  are  given  to  it  || .  Just  as  little  as  thou  knowest  what  will 
be  the  course  of  the  wnnd,  or  the  bones  in  the  womb  of  her  that 
is  with  child,  so  thou  doest  not  know  the  doings  of  God  that 
doeth  all  this. 

Now  the  finale  of  Ecclesiastes'  pessimistic  symphony 
sets  in  :  the  Epicurean  motive  Rejoice  is  heard  once 
more,  but  after  the  opening  bars  the  key  is  changed  from 
major  to  minor  ;  the  music  becomes  gloomy,  and  ends 
with  a  pathetic  iiiorendo. 

The  subject  of  the  last  strain  is  an  allegorical  descrip- 
tion of  the  decay  in  old  age  of  the  various  parts  of  the 
human  frame. 

Time  will  not  permit  us  to  review  in  detail  the  various 


THE    BOOK   OF   ECCLESIASTHS.  259 

conflicting  interpretations  of  the  closing  passage  proposed 
by  eminent  scholars.  Tiiere  are  more  individnal  opin- 
ions— to  nse  the  phrase  of  a  Baltimore  jonrnalist"'' — than 
a  brown  mnle  can  pnll.  The  English  Hebraist  Taylor 
regards  the  closing  verses  as  a  formal  dirge  of  death. 
Others  thonght  the  passage  depicted  the  age  of  the  nn- 
godly,  or  the  last  days  of  a  worn-out  sensualist. ''''  Haiin 
believed  that  the  inspired  writer  described  the  night  of 
death  before  man  goes  to  his  eternal  home,  the  kingdom 
of  glory,  attempting  to  ingraft  ideas  of  the  new  dispen- 
sation on  the  book  of  the  Old  Testament  philosopher. 

According  to  Umbreit,  whose  views  have  been 
adopted  by  Ginsburg,  Ecclesiastes  depicts  in  these  verses 
the  advance  of  death  under  the  imagery  of  an  approacli- 
ing  storm  which  darkens  the  heavens,  startles  even  men 
of  power,  and  puts  a  stop  to  all  w^ork  ;  the  bird  raises  its 
voice  to  a  shriek,  fl}ing  low,  and  fluttering  about  un- 
easily in  dread  of  the  coming  storm  which  is  gathering- 
overhead. 

Kaiser,  in  his  curious  little  book  entitled  :  KoJicIc{Ji^ 
tJiC  collectiinun  of  iJic  Davidic  kings  in  Jcritsalcni^  an  Jiis- 
iorical  didactic  poem  on  the  dozen/alt  of  the  Jcivish  state^ 
(Erlangen,  1829),  explains  the  twelfth  chapter  as  refer- 
ring to  the  downfall  of  the  Jewish,  state. 

A  remarkable  prophetic  exposition  is  found  in  th.e  in- 
troduction to  the  INIidrasl'i  on  the  Iiook  of  Lamentatiors. 
The  days  of  \outli  are  explained  as  the  period  of 
Israel's  prosperity,  while  the  days  of  evil  are  referred  to 
the  time  of  the  Babylonian  captivit)-.  The  light  is  the 
law,  the  moon  the  Sanhedrin,  the  stars  are  the  Rabbis, 
the  clouds  returning  after  the  rain  are  the  troubles  pre- 
dicted by  Jeremiah,  etc.,  etc. 

Some  modern    commentators   explain    the  clouds   to 


26o       PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

mean  severe  attacks  of  catarrh,  or  refer  them  ad  crassos 
illos  ac  pitiiosos  senuin  vaporcs  ex  dcbili  ventriailo  in 
ascciidcntes  contiimo.  Franz  Delitzsch  thought  the 
clouds  which  return  after  the  rain  were  attacks  of  sicjc- 
ness  and  bodily  weakness  ;  the  sun  was  explained  by 
him  to  be  the  spirit,  and  the  moon,  he  thought,  repre- 
sented the  soul,  while  the  stars  were  the  five  planets 
symbolizing  the  fi\-e  senses. 

Vaihinger  pointed  out  that  the  similes  describing 
the  winter  of  man's  existence  were  drawn  from  the  winter 
of  Palestine,  when  heavy  rain  storms  follow  ore  another 
in  rapid  succession,  darkening  the  whole  face  of  nature. 

C.  H.  H.  Wright  (whose  valuable  commentary  on 
Ecclesiastes  I  have  followed  here  in  sketching  the  var- 
ious untenable  explanations  proposed  for  the  closing- 
section)  remarks  that  the  words  of  Ecclesiastes  have  been 
expounded  by  Tennyson,  when  he  says  in  TJie  Princess  : 

Ah  sad  and  strange,  as  in  dark  summer  dawns 

The  earliest  pipe  of  half-awakened  birds 

To  dying  ears,  when  unto  dying  eyes 

The  casement  slowly  grows  a  glimmering  square  ; 

So  sad,  so  strange,  the  days  that  are  no  more. 

Wright  thinks,  Ecclesiastes  presents  two  pictures  : 
the  one  death  in  life,  the  other  nature  re-awakening  from 
its  temporary  grave.  The  almond  tree  is  in  blossom, 
and  the  locusts  are  crawling  out,  but  in  yon  chamber  the 
old  man  is  lying,  and  even  the  caperberry  cannot  arouse 
his  failing  appetite. 

Several  old  Jewish  commentators,  as  well  as  BoTTCHER, 
Graetz,  and  Konig,  regard  these  three  words  :  almond, 
locust^  and  caperbeny,  as  having  concealed  references  to 
the  sexual  organs.     But  Franz  Delitzsch  was  right  in 


THE    BOOK   OF   ECCLESIASTES.  261 

stating  that  Ecclesiastes  was  no  Juvenal  or  Martial. 
Ren  AN  said:  "Ecclesiastes  is  a  book  de  scepticisnie 
elegant.  We  may  find  it  bold,  or  even  free,  but  it  is 
never  immoral  or  obscene.  The  author  is  iin  galant 
/io7H7iu\  but  not  q.  profcsseiir  de  libertinage.''''  We  must 
not,  as  Franz  Delitzsch  remarked  with  reference  to 
Graetz,  allow  our  critical  nose  to  degenerate  into  a 
hog's  snout,  RoTTCHER  and  Konig  think  that  the 
almond  is  a  euphemism  for  <!ia'>.7or^,  while  HiTziG  explained 
it  to  be  an  allegorical  name  for  the  youthful  maiden  who 
refuses  to  give  her  fruit  to  the  aged  man. 

But  there  is  no  allusion  to  sexual  intercourse,  except 
in  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  chapter.  Instead  of 
Remember  thy  Creator  in  the  days  of  thy  yoiitJi^  we  must 
translate  :  Remember  thy  zvell^  i.  e.^  the  mother  of  thy 
children;  do  not  neglect  your  legitimate  wife,  while  you 
are  in  possession  of  your  manly  vigor,  as  is  shown  by  the 
passage  in  Proverbs  5,  15  and  18  :  Drink  ivaters  out  of 
thine  oion  cistern  ;  i.  e.,  let  them  be  only  thine  oivn  and 
not  strangers  zvith  thee^  so  shall  thy  fountain  be  blessed., 
and  thou  shall  have  joy  of  the  ivife  of  thy  youth. 

The  word  sekhbr.,  "  remember,"  is  a  specimen  of  what 
the  Arabs  of  Syria  term  tallnn^  i.  e.^  the  use  of  words 
with  a  concealed  meaning.  The  Hebrew  verb  zakdr 
means,  as  a  rule,  "to  remember"  (properly  to  infix.,  to 
impress  on  the  memory),  but  it  may,  at  the  same  time, 
have  suggested  a  denominal  verb  derived  from  zakdr., 
"male,"  which  is  still  used  in  iVrabic  witli  the  mean- 
ing of  OaP.P.Os-. 

I  now  proceed  to  give  a  translation  of  the  final  song  of 
Ecclesiastes,  adding,  in  the  notes  appended,  some  ex- 
planations of  the  imagery  employed  by  the  poet  : 


262        PAPERS  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

11,  9  Rejoice,  O  youth,  in  thy  childhood,*' 

And  let  thy  heart  cheer  thee  in  the  days  of  thy  man- 
hood ;  35 
Walk  in  the  ways  of  thy  heart, 
And  in  the  sight  of  thine  e3^es,f 
10  Banish  moroseness  from  th}-  heart. 
But  keep  away  evil  from  thy  flesh, s 
For  childhood  and  manhood  are  fleeting,"'  40 

12,  I  Remember  thy  well'''  in  the  days  of  thy  vigor, 

Ere  there  come  the  days  of  evil, 

And  the  years  draw  nigh 

In  which  thou  wilt  saj^  I  have  no  pleasure. 

2  Ere  is  darkened  the  sun,  and  the  light  of  the  day,      45 
And  the  moon,  and  the  stars. 

And  the  clouds  return  after  the  rain  f* 

3  When  the  keepers  of  the  house"^  tremble. 
And  the  men  of  power""  bend  themselves  : 

The  grinding  maids"'  cease'/  50 

And  the  ladies  that  look  out  through  the  lattices  are 
darkened  ;  "^ 

4  The  doors  are  shut  toward  the  street,'^"' 
He  riseth  at  the  voice  of  the  birds,'" 

And  all  the  daughters  of  song  are  brought  low,^' 

5  He  is  afraid  of  that  which  is  high,  55 
And  fears  are  in  the  way  ;'' 

The  almond  tree  blossometh,''' 

The  locust^*  crawleth  along  with  difiiculty, 

The  caper-berry  breaketh  up,'^ 

6  The  silver  cord'"  is  snapped  asunder,  60 
The  golden  bowl"  crushed  in. 

The  bucket  at  the  well  smashed,'* 

And  the  wheel  breaketh  down  at  the  pit.™ 

5''  Man  is  going  to  his  eternal  house, 

And  the*^'-  mourners  go  about  in  the  street,'  65 

8  Vanity  of  vanities,^'  saith  Ecclesiastes, 


THE   BOOK   OF    ECCLESIASTKS.  263 

11,8VA11  is  vanity,  and  all  that  is  coming  is  vanity.'^ 

11,  9*"  (e)  but   know  that  for  these  things  God   will   bring   thee   into 
judgment. 

*  ''  * 

7,  26  (s)  I  find  more  bitter  than  death  the  woman  who  is  (all)  snares, 
her  heart  a  net,  her  hands  fetters.  ||  He  who  is  good  before 
God  will  escape  her,  but  the  sinner  will  be  caught  by  her.  || 
27  Behold  this  have  I  found,  saith  Ecclesiastes,  (counting)  one 
b}'  one  to  find  out  the  result :  I  have  found  one^'-'  man  out  ot 
a  thousand,  but  a'*'  woman  whom  my  soul  sought  all  the  while 
without  finding,  I  have  not  found  among  all  those.**'' 

12,  3  ('/)  because  they  are  few. 

(1?)  because  the  sound  of  the  grinding  mill  is  low.*'' 

*  '  -x- 

12,  7  (0  The  dust  shall  returu  to  the  earth  (to  become)  what  it  was, 
but  the  spirit  will  return  to  God  who  gave  it  (cf.  3.  20.) 

*  "^  * 

9  (/v)  It  might  be  well  to  add  that  Ecclesiastes  was  a  wise  man 
who  constantly  taught  the  people  knowledge,  composing,®^ 
and  thinking  out,  and  arranging  many  proverbs.    Ecclesiastes 

10  tried  to  find  pleasant  words,  but  what   is  written  is  correct 

11  {ivords  of  tiiith).^^  "Words  of  wise  men  are  like  the  points 
of  goads,  but  like  nails  firmly  driven  in  are  the  verses  of  a 

12  collection,^'  they  are  given  out  from  one  leader."**  ||  And  it 
might  be  well  to  add  :  my  son,  be  on  your  guard  against  these 
(sayings),  there  is  no  end  of  making  books  in  great  numbers, 

13  too  much  reading  wearieth  the  flesh.  ||  Let  us  hear  the  end 
of  all  this  talk  :  Fear  God  and  keep  His  commandments,  that 

14  is  what  every  man  ought  to  do.  God  will  bring  all  doings 
into  the  judgment  upon  all  that  is  hidden,  whether  they  be 
good  or  evil. 

Yon  \\\\\  admit  that  this  is  one  of  tlie  most  beautiful 
pieces  of  poetr}-  that  was  ever  written.  Now  let  me  add 
a  word  in  conclusion.  I  think  we  may  enjoy  Ecclesias- 
tes from  a  literary  point  of  view,  without  adopting  his 
teachiu";.      In  the  li^ht  of  the  New  Testament  it  is  need- 


264  papp:rs  of  the  oriental  club. 

less  to  darken  the  meaning  of  the  Old  Testament  phil- 
osopher. Beware  of  the  leaven  of  the  Pharisees  !  There 
is  nothing  covered  that  will  not  be  uncovered,  nor 
hidden  that  shall  not  be  known.  Whatsoever  ye  have 
spoken  in  darkness  shall  be  heard  in  the  light  ! 

(')  See  Arthur  Schopenhauer's  works,  edited  by  Julius  Frauen- 
STADT,  (Leipzig:  Brockhaus)  voL  V,  p.  526  {=  Par  erg  a  and  Par- 
alipomena,  vol.  I :  Aphorismen  zur  Lebensweisheit,  chap.  VI  :  I  'oni 
Unterschiede  der  Lebensalter) :  Erst  im  jo.  Jahre  versteht  man  ganz 
den  erstefi  Vers  des  Koheleth  ;  cf.  ibid.  p.  525  :  Wdhrend  der  Ji'mgling 
meint,  dass  Wunder  was  in  der  Welt  zu  holen  set,  wenn  er  ntir  erfahren 
konnte,  wo;  ist  der  Altc  voni  Kohelethischen  "es  ist  A  lies  eiteV 
durchdrungen  und  weiss,  dass  alle  Ni'isse  Jiohl  sind,  wie  sehr  sic  auch 
vergoldet  sein  mdgen . 

(-)  See  below,  p.  273,  n.  39. 

C*)  Heb.  /('-,  /.  e.  the  Arabic  emphatic  la- \  cf.  panoh  el-harbeh 
xvehinneh  liin'at,  Haggai  1  ,  9  (^contra  Wellhausen,  Skizzen  und 
Vorarbeiten,  part  5,  Berlin,  1892,  p.  168);  also  I'ekol-'ober,  'ala{i)w 
issoni,  2  Chr.  7,  21  ;  hcma  laheni,  "  ipsissimi,"  Eccl.  3  ,  18,  &c.  See 
the  abstract  of  my  paper,  A  New  Hebrew  Particle,  in  ih.&  Johns  Hop- 
kins University  Circulars,  May,  1894. 

(^)  Eccl.  9,4,  is  an  interpolation,  see  p.  257,  n.   i. 

(•')  Cf.  e.  g.  2  ,  24" .  26  ;  3  ,  13 .  I4^  17  ;  5  ,  e'' .  8  .  18  ;  6  ,  6  ;  7  ,  13  . 
14  .  i8'\  20 .  26"  .  29  ;  8  ,  11-13  ;  9  ,  3  «S:c.  See  also  pp.  257  and  263 
and  compare  F.  Schwally,  Das  Lebcn  nach  dcin  Tode  (Giessen, 
1892),  p.  ig6. 

(•*)  The  same  reason  prompted  the  redactors  of  the  Hexateuch  to 
combine  JED  with  P,  because  JE  could  not  be  suppressed.  See  my 
paper  on  The  Origin  of  the  Pentateuch,  in  the  American  Oriental  So- 
ciety Proceedings  at  New  York,  April,  1894. 

(')  Hiob,  nach  GEO.  HOFFMANN,  Professor  in  Kiel  (Kiel,  1891),  p.  25. 

(^)  Eccl.  7  ,  20  said  to  be  qtioted  in  Rom.  3  ,  10  (see  Strack  in 
Herzog-Plitt's  Realencyklopiidie  fur  protestantische  Theologie  und 
Kirche,  Vol.  VII,  p.  427,  n.  *)  is  an  interpolation.  Professor  Paul 
Kleinert,  of  the  University  of  Berlin,  enumerates  quite  a  number  of 
New  Testament  parallels  to  the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes  (see  his  paper, 
Der  Prediger  Solovionis,  printed  in  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Fried- 


THE   BOOK   OF   ECCLESIASTES.  265 

ricli-Wilhelms-Gymnasium,  Berlin,  1864,  p.  38)-  Professor  Klkinkrt 
compares  Matth.  6  ,  7  with  p;ccl.  5  ,  i  ;  Matth.  6  ,  9  and  Eccl.  5  ,  i  ; 
M.  6  ,  10  and  E.  3  ,  11  (!)  ;  M.  6  ,  11  and  E.  5  ,  17  ('"'/'"""  tTvwiaio-  = 
h'eleq!  );  M.  6  ,  12  and  E.  7  ,  22  ;  Rom.  8  ,  18  and  E.  1  ,  2-11  ;  John 
9  ,  4  and  E.  9  ,  10 ;  Matth.  5  ,  45  and  E.  2  ,  14  f.  ;  Luke  10  ,  42  and  E. 
7  ,  18  ;  Rom.  2  ,  5  f.  and  E.  12  ,  13  ;  Eph.  5  ,  16  and  E.  8  .  Most 
readers  will  not  be  able  to  discover  any  parallels  in  the  passages  cited. 

(^)  I  may  be  allowed  to  state  here  that  WelLHAUSEN,  after  having 
read  my  remarks  on  the  subject  printed  in  the  Johns  Hopkins  Uni- 
versity Circulars,  No.  90  (June,  1891),  p.  115,  informed  me  that  he  had 
made  the  same  observation. 

("*)  Luke  12  ,  22-34  gives  the  section  in  its  original  form  and  con- 
nection ;  the  parallel  in  Matth.  6  ,  19-34  is  a  later  insertion. 

(")  Cf.  e.  g.  Luke  12  ,  18  and  Eccl.  2,4;  Luke  12  ,  20"  and  Eccl. 
2  ,  18"  ;  and  note  especially  Luke  12  ,  27  (  =  Matth.  6  ,  28 .  29)— the 
familiar  passage  of  the  lilies  of  the  field  and  Solomon  in  all  his  glory. 

('^)  Cf.  the  well-known  ia^ic,  mve,  ttcuCe  (or  rather  bxf:v£ ;  Arrian  2  , 
5  :  TO  TTfi/Ce  pafhovpyorepm'  kyjeypaxp-dai  £d>aaav  rO  'Aaavpiu  ovdftaTi),  often 
quoted  as  the  "translation"  of  the  Assyrian  inscription  on  the  monu- 
ment of  (Sardanapalus,  or  rather)  Sennacherib  at  Anchialos;  see  e.  g. 
Strabo,  ^  672  (lA,  5  ,  9)  and  Ed.  Meyer,  Ceschichte  dcs  Alteilhunis, 
voL  I  (Stuttgart,  1884),  p.  473,  n.  i. 

(")  Matth.  6  ,  33  •  34- 

(")  Schopenhauer's  Sammtliche  Werke,  ed.  Frauenstadt,  vol. 
Ill,  p.  713  ;  cf.  Frauenstadt's  Schopciihauer-Lcxikon  (Leipzig,  1871) 
vol.  I,  p.  89. 

('^)  Schopenhauer  refers  twice  to  the  well-known  passage,  Eccl. 
7  ,  4,  translated  in  our  Authorized  Version  :  Sorrow  is  better  than 
laughter ;  for  by  the  sadness  of  the  countenance  the  heart  is  inade 
better.  Vol.  V,  p.  78  (i.  e.  Parcrga,  Vol.  I,  Fragrnente  ziir  Ceschichte 
der  Philosophie,  I  12)  Schopenhauer  remarks:  Spinoza  vcrwirft 
alle  tiistitia  unbedingt,  obschon  sein  A.  T.  ihin  sagte :  "  Es  ist 
Tratiern  besser  denn  Lachen  ;  dcnn  durcit  Trauern  ivird  das  Herz 
gebessert  {Koh.  7,  /)  ;  and  in  vol.  IIL  p-  731  (Die  Welt  als  Wille 
und  Vorstellung,  Zweiter  Band,  Erganzungen  zum  vierteu  Buch, 
Kap.  49  :  Die  Heilsordnuug)  we  read  :  Ja  schoti  der  nock  ji'tdische 
aber  so  philosophische  Kolielcth  sagt  mil  Recht:  " £s  ist  Trauern 
besser,  denn  Lachen;  denn  durch  Trauern  zc'ird  das  Herz  gebessert.'" 
(7 ,  4).     The  words  :for  by  the  sadness  of  the  countenance  the  heart  is 


266        PAPERS  OF  TH?:  ORIENTAL  CLUB. 

made  better,  are  a  theological  interpolation,  just  as  the  second  half 
of  the  preceding  verse  :  for  that  is  the  end  of  all  men,  and  the  living 
can  lay  it  to  his  heart.  Two  ocher  passages  in  Ecclesiastes  quoted 
by  Schopenhauer  are  4  ,  6,  and  7  ,  n.  In  his  Preisschrift  ilber  die 
(j  run  d I  age  der  Moral,  I,  Einlcituiig,  'j.  i  ;  Ueber  das  Problevi  (vol. 
IV,  p.  iJo)  we  read:  Da  bleibt  mir  nichts  i'lbrig  als  an  den  Spritch 
von  Koheleth  (^  ,  6)  zu  erinncrn :  "■Esist  bcsser  eine  Hand  volt  mil 
Ruhe,  denn  beide  Fiiiiste  roll  mil  Mi'ihe  und  Eitelkeit:'  Eccl.  4  ,  6 
must  be  combined  with  4  ,  7  ;  5  ,  9-11  ;  6  ,  7-9  (4  ,  5  as  well  as  10  ,  8  . 
15  are  glosses  to  4  ,  6). — The  second  passage,  Eccl.  7  ,  11,  is  mentioned 
by  Schopenhauer,  vol.  VI,  462  (==  Parerga  <Sf  Paralipomena,  Vol. 
II,  c.  xix  :  Zur  Metaphysik  des  Schdnen  und  Aesthetik,  \  221)  :  Ein 
Philosoph  kann  nicht  icohl  ein  andere's  Gezverbe  daneben  treiben ;  da 
nun  alter  das  Gcldverdienen  mil  der  Philosophie  seine  anderiveitigen 
nndbckannten  gj'ossen  Nachtheile  hat,  zcegen  rcelchcr  die  Allen  dasselbe 
zum  Merkmale  des  Sophisien,  iin  Gegensatz  des  Philosophen,  inachlen; 
so  ist  Salomozu  loben,  ivenn  ersagt:  "  IVeisheit  ist gujt  miteinem  Erb- 
gute,  und  hilft,  dass  eijier  sich  der  Sonne  freuen  kann  "  [Koheleth  7, 
7^).  The  passage,  however,  means:  Wisdom  is  as  good  as  \cf.  2  ,  16) 
an  inheritance,  yea  better,  too,  for  them  that  see  the  sun,  cf.  A.  V.  mar- 
gin, and  R.  V.  Eccl.  7  ,  11  .  12  must  be  combined  with  7  ,  19  ;  8  ,  i  ; 
9  ,  17'';  10  ,  2  .  3  .  12  .  13  (10  ,  20''  is  a  gloss  to  7  ,  12).  V.  10  ,  i'' 
belongs  to  7  ,  16  {cf.  8  ,  14  .  10  ;  7  ,  15-18  ;  9  ,  11-12  ;— 8  ,  11-13  is  a 
theological  gloss  to  8  ,  14  &c.),  while  10  ,  i''  must  be  combined  with 
9  ,  I8^ 

('")  Cf.  Franz  Delitzsch,  Commentar  i'tbcr  die  Genesis,  fourth  edi- 
tion (Leipzig,  1872),  p.  532,  n.  16.  See  also  Levy's  iV^'/^/z^fi^;-.  IVorter- 
buch,  vol.  Ill  (Leipzig,  1883),  p.  3^  below,  and  p.  60.  In  his  Neuer 
Conunejitar  i'lbcr  die  Genesis  (JLe\-pz\g,  1887)  p.  68,  n.  i  (^  p  104  of  the 
English  edition)  Delii:zsch's  suggests  that  the  words  refer  not  to 
Rabbi  Meir's  copy  of  the  Pentateuch,  but  to  his  recitation  of  the 
Thorah  ;  but  this  explanation  is  untenable. 

(!')  Cf  Job  (5  ,  7")  ;  7  ,  (7"-  9"-  )  i6\  8  ,  9  ;  10  .  iS^ .  19'^  ;  (14  ,  i  .  2)  ; 
21  ,  7  .  23.  25  &c.  According  to  SIEGFRIED,  in  the  new  critical  edi- 
tion of  the  Sacred  Books  of  the  Old  Testament  (Baltimore,  1893),  5  , 
6 .  7  is  an  interpolation  belonging  rather  to  the  range  of  thought  of  c. 
3,  and  7  ,  7" .  9''  as  well  as  14  ,  i  .  2  represent  parallel  compositions, 
while  the  authenticity  of  the  other  passages  is  not  questioned. 

(•*)  Cf  Eccl.  1 ,  2  ;  3  ,  18  .  21  ,  4  ,  2  .  3  ;  6  ,  3  ;  7  ,  15  ;  8  ,  10  ;  9  ,  II  . 
12  &c. 


THE    BOOK    OF    F.CCLKSIASTKS,  267 

('")  Li'THER  seems  to  have  been  struck  with  the  fact  that  the  work 
(<•.  g-.  Eccl.  3,9  ff )  exhibits  the  most  divergent  views  side  by  side 
without  an  J'  logical  connection. 

C^")  The  text  has  since  been  translated,  on  the  basis  of  my  explana- 
tion, by  Dr.  IMartin  JAGER,  in  his  paper  Assyrisc/ie  Ralhsel  und 
Spritchivdrlci ,  printed  in  the  recent  volume  of  our  Beitr.  ziir  Assyr- 
iologie,  p.  2S1),  as  well  as  by  Brijnnow  in  his  review  of  the  Beitr iige, 
ZA  VIII,  130.  J  ACER  translates:  "Seitdeni  ihr  Gott  sich  hinausgc- 
ivcndet  hat,  ist  cingczogoi  in  die  Niederlassung  der  Firvel,  ist  sess/iaft 
geworden  die  Bosheit ;  nicht  ivird  alt  der  Fronnne  ;  der  Verstatidige, 
IVeise,  auf  dessen  Weisheit  sein  Herrnicht  achtete,  nud der  Edle,  den 
sciti  Hcrr  vergass.  sein  Mangel  tritt  ein,  nicht  erhebt  sich  ivieder  sein 
Haiipt.'"  Brunnow  proposes  the  following  rendering:  "  IFenn  ihr 
Colt  {fj'otterln'ld  f)  in  ]'erfall  gerathen  ist,  daun  tritt  ein  in  das  bit  uad? 
(J.  wohl  richtig  :  Niederlassung)  der  Frevler  (oder  Zerstorer),  derbose 
assab ;  nicht  zvird  er  alt  iverden  lassen  den  Frominen,  Verstdndigen, 
IVeisen,  dessen  Weisheit  sein  Herr  nicht  {iiiehr)  inerkt ;  und  jeder 
Gewaltthdtige,  den  ^eiii  Hcrr  vcrlassen  hat,  dessen  Begehr  ivird 
erfullt,  und  es  erhebt  sich  sein  Haupt:' — HalEVY  {Melanges  de  cri- 
tique et  d'histoire  relatifs  an  peuples  shnitiques,  Paris,  1883,  p.  328) 
divides  the  passage  into  two  proverbs.  ■  The  meaning  of  the  first  is 
said  to  be  :  rhonnne  sense  evite  le  vialheur  par  sa  prevoyance  (p.  333 
below),  and  according  to  p.  334  the  second  sentence  exhorte  les  su- 
perieiirs  a  se  inov.trcr  reconnaisants  emers  leurs  serviteurs  fideles. 
Hai.EV-y's  translation  of  these  proverbs  is  often  incorrect,  but  he  has 
anticipated  some  of  JAGER'S  best  interpretations ;  he  also  considers 
{contra  Brunnow,  ZA  VIII,  128  below)  juannu  inamdin  the  equiva- 
lent of  Heb.  ini  yitten  (BA  II,  279  below),  and  for  the  first  proverl) 
translated  by  jAGER  :  ina  la  ndki  ml  erat  ina  la  akali  ml  kubrat,  he 
suggests  substantially  the  same  rendering  as  Brunnow  (ZA.  VIII,  127). 
The  interrogative  pronoun  does  not  indicate  a  riddle  :  it  is  a  rhetorical 
question.  Hai.Evy's  and  BrIjnnow's  explanation  is  undoubtedly 
preferable  to  jAGER's  translation,  Dei.itzsch's  approval  (  W '<"/-/<';-/!'. 
382  ,  3)  nothwithstanding. 

('^')  Sayce  adds  in  a  footnote:  "This  seems  to  be  quoted  from  a 
hymn  describing  the  return  of  Cannes  to  the  Persian  Gulf."  On  p. 
132  oihisHibbcrt  Lectures  for  1SS7  {On  the  Origin  and  Groicth  of  Re- 
ligion as  illustrated  by  the  Ixcligion  of  the  Ancient  Babylonians,  sec- 
ond edition,  London,  1888)  vSayce  remarks  :  "A  native  fragment  of 
the  legend  has,  it  is  probable,  been  accidentally  preserved  among  a 
series  of  extracts  from  various  Accadian  works,  in  a  bilinqual  reading. 


268  PAPERS   OK   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

book  compiled  for  the  use  of  Semitic  students  of  Accadian.  It  reads 
thus  :  '  To  the  waters  their  god  has  returned  ;  into  the  house  of  (his) 
repose  the  protector  descended.  The  wicked  weaves  spells,  but  the 
sentient  one  grows  not  old.  A  wise  people  repeated  his  wisdom.  The 
unwise  and  the  slave  {literally  person)  tlie  most  valued  of  his  ma.ster 
forgot  him  ;  there  was  need  of  him  and  he  restored  (his)  decrees  (?) '  " 
The  mark  of  interrogation  is  added  by  Sayce  himself,  but  I  approve 
of  it. 

(-^)  It  is  interesting  to  compare  with  this  translation  the  views  set 
forth  by  S.WCE  in  his  inaugural  address,  delivered  before  the  Assyrio- 
logical  Section  of  the  Ninth  International  Congress  of  Orientalists,  held 
in  London,  5th  to  12th  Sept.,  1892  [cf.  Transactions,  vol.  II,  London, 
1893,  p.  175)  :  "What  is  nonsense  in  English,  or  French,  or  German, 
is  equally  nonsense  in  Assyrian.  The  old  scribes  who  have  be- 
queathed to  us  the  literature  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  must  have  in- 
tended that  the  words  they  wrote  should  have  a  meaning.  They 
would  never  have  wasted  their  time  in  writing  nonsense,  and  we  ma}^ 
therefore  feel  quite  sure  that  if  the  translaticms  we  make  of  their 
works  do  not  yield  a  clear  sense,  the  fault  lies  not  with  the  original 
author,  but  with  his  modern  translator."  I  have  advocated  this  prin- 
ciple for  years  (cf.  my  remarks  in  Johns  Hopkins  University  Circu- 
lars, Feb.,  '89,  No.  69,  p.  i8%  2),  but,  with  all  due  respect  for  the  won- 
derful versatility  of  our  great  modern  polyhistor,  I  never  expected 
Sayce  to  echo  my  feelings  in  this  respect.  He  who  sits  in  a  glass 
house  ought  not  to  throw  stones  !  (^Cf.  Zimmern's  note  in  ZA.  V, 
16  ,  i).  Nor  can  I  endorse  Sayce'S  statement  made  on  p.  173  of  his 
presidential  address,  that  the  translation  of  an  Assyrian  text  made  by 
a  competent  scholar  twenty  years  ago  is  not  far  behind  that  which  is 
made  to-day.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  with  Jensen  (^Die  R'osinologie 
dcr  Babylonicr,  Strassburg,  1890,  p.  368)  that  five  years  of  Assyriolog- 
ical  research  mean  more  than  an  ordinary  lustrum.  In  view  of  this 
fact  Bezold's  remark  (ZA.  VIII,  140)  concerning  my  translation  of 
the  Sumerian  family  laws,  which  I  published  more  than  thirteen  years 
.since,  is  rather  strange.  My  translation  was  the  "onl}'  correct  inter- 
pretation "  compared  with  Oppert's  explanation  (see  Hommel'S 
Seiniten,  p.  499,  n.  259).  It  was  undoubtedly  more  correct  than 
Bezold's  famous  rendering  of  riippi  Ti  zeri-in  sundili  nannabi,  pub- 
lished in  1886  [cf.  ZA.  I,  42  ;  Beitr.  z.  Ass.  I,  132,  n.  *).  Minor  im- 
provements in  the  explanation  0/  certain  terms  {e.  g.  ZK.  II,  272  ,  i  ; 
cf.  ZA.  VII,  215  ; — Zimmern,  Busspsalmen  59  ,  5  ;  Delitzsch,  Assyr. 
Worterbiicli  76  ;  215,  5  ;  Beitr.  z.  Assytiol.  I,  16  .  124  .  315)  have  not 


THK    KOOK    OF    KCCLKSIASTKS.  269 

affected  my  views  regardinj;  the  general  sense  of  the  collection  of 
laws.  Dr.  Mkissnicr's  Ih'itragc  zuvi  altbabylotiischen  Privatrccht.  is 
undoubtedly  a  book  of  uncommon  value,  and  full  of  new  information, 
but  his  translation  of  the  first  four  family  laws  contains  nothing  new. 
Bezold's  remark  in  ZA.  VIII,  130,  is,  therefore,  just  as  gratuitous  as 
his  note  2  on  p.  xxv  of  his  Oriental  Diplomacy.  I  am  sorry  that  I 
have  no  time  to  reply  to  Bezold's  allusions  at  the  conclusion  of  his 
review  of  Dr.  Meissnkr's  work  (ZA.  VIII,  142),  or  his  note  on  p.  185 
ofZA.  VI.  I  will  add,  however,  that  most  of  Bezoed's  remarks  di- 
rected against  DEEITZSCH  and  myself  seem  to  be  due  rather  to  some 
personal  feeling  than  to  an  earnest  desire  to  promote  the  interests  of 
cuneiform  research.  It  will  be  well  to  compare  in  this  connection 
the  statement  prefixed  to  the  second  part  of  my  edition  of  the  Niiinod 
Epic  (Leipzig,  189 1). 

1")  Savce  adds  in  the  footnotes  :  lacnuce,  but  the  text  is  complete, 
at  least  in  the  Assyrian  column.  We  must  read,  however,  in  the  last 
two  lines  :  ib-baas-si  xi-'six-ta-su-tna  in-tia-si  ri-is-sic.  The  character 
after  ib-ba-  in  the  last  but  one  line  cannot  be  ii  (II  R.)  ;  Strass- 
MAIER,  No.  3371,  reads  ib-ba-si  instead  of  ib-ba -as-s i  ;  the  j/ after  iii- 
na  in  the  last  line  is  quite  clear,  besides  we  have  in  the  Sumerian 
column  traces  of  the  ideogram  for  iia'sn  :  g.k  -|-  Tu-/rt  (i.  e.  il-la),  'i'i:-la 
is  certain,  and  of  the  preceding  ga  we  have  at  least  the  upper  slant- 
ing wedge.  I  collated  the  text  (K.  4347 ;  c/.  Bezoeh's  Catalogue,  vol. 
II,  p.  621)  in  1891.  It  is  a  large  tablet  of  light  yellow  clay,  the  ob- 
verse consists  of  5  fragments,  and  the  reverse  of  7.  In  the  right-hand 
lower  corner  of  the  convex  side,  we  find  the  proverb  quoted  b}- 
Strassmaier  in  his  Alphabclischcs  Verzeichniss,  No.  6896:  alu  sa 
kakkasu  la  danmi,  iiakrii  ina  pan  abulUlu  ill  ippa/tar,  "  the  enemy  will 
not  be  scattered  in  front  of  the  gate  of  a  city  whose  weapons  are  not 
strong."  For  iiakni  ippatar  compare  taxazasuiiu  ra/csu  taptiir  in  col. 
I,  1.  24  of  the  broken  Esarhaddon  prisui  (III  R.  15)  =Schrat)ER'.s 
Keilinschriftliche  Bibliothek,  vol.  11  (Berlin,  1890),  p.  142.  Dr. 
WiNCKEER  states  there  (p.  140,  n.  3) :  "the  text  was  published  for  the 
first  time  III  R.  15.  16,"  although  III  R.  15  expressly  refers  to  Lav- 
ard's  Inscriplions,  pi.  54-58.  Cf.  also  Hebraica,  IV,  149,  and  my  re- 
marks in  Beitr.  zur  Assyriologie,  I,  167,  n.  t-  For  paiaru  "to 
desert"  in  the  .A.marna  texts  from  Jeru.salem,  see  jENSEN-ZlMiMERN, 
Z.\.  VI,  247,  n.  7.  II  R.  16  ,  16  f.,  we  must  read  ta-pa-ak-ka,  not  ip-pa- 
ak-ka,  as  I  suggested  in  Schrader's  KAT-  76  ,  ii  ((/.  my  Beitr.  zur 
Assyr.  Lautlc/ire,  Gottingen,  1S83,  p.  103,  and  Beitr.  zur  Assyriologie, 
I,  2). 


2/0  PAPERS   OF    TIIIC    ORIENTAL   CI.UB. 

(")  Literal!}' :  darkness  ;  cf.  Eccl.  5  ,  1 6  ;  Psalm  18 ,  29  ;  Is.  15  ,  10,  &c. 

(**)  Brunnow  (ZA.  VIII,  129)  seems  to  tliiuk  it  impossible  that  aYsab 
represents  a  permansive  form  ;  but  aTsab  is  a  form  like  kabbar  "  he  is 
long,"  ox  qattan  "he  is  short"  (Meissner,  Altbabyl.  Privatrccht, 
Leipzig,  1893,  p.  152,  n.  i),.3  f.  pi.  qattana  (quoted  b}-  Bezold,  ZA. 
VIII,  142,  n.  T  I  ;  cf.  allaka  birka'a,  la  anixa  "scpcVa,  &c.,  translated  by 
JAGER,  Bciir.  z.  Assyr.  II,  285;  cf.  JAGER'S  thesis,  p.  2i=BA.  I, 
463,  n.  *.  JAGER  quotes  there  the  permansive  forms  raggant 
(ASKT.  87,  61)  and  gai/nuar  {ibid.  128,  62),  but  for  raggam  we  must 
read  raksat,  &ud  ganirat  instead  o{ gammar ;  cf.  Jensen's  remarks  in 
his  review  oi  Xh.^  Beitrage :  Deutsche  Literatiir  ZeitiiJig  [l^cr\m)Oci.  3, 
'91,  col.  1451  below. 

('■'*)  Literally  :  icise,  iindersiayiding,  Assyr.  .rassn  ;  see  e.  g.  Job  28 , 
28  (a  polemical  interpolation)  :  Behold  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  thai  is 
zaisdovi  ;  and  to  depart  from  evil  is  jinderstajiding.  Cf.  also  Dent.  4  , 
6;  Sir.  24  (Noldeke,  Alttestainentliche  Literatur,  p.  167),  &c.,and 
Hel).  nabal  "fool,"  /.  e.  "irreligious,"  Psalm  14,  i,  &c.  In  the  same 
way  holiness  and  devotion  is  expressed  in  Assyrian  by  the  words  for 
skill  and  ivisdoui  [uniuianu.,  n'unequ,  eniqu).  The  epithet  of  the 
Babylonian  Noah,  Atra-.rasis  (or  Xasis-atra  =  'S.iaov&pog-)  must,  there- 
fore, be  iiiterpreted  to  mean  most  holy,  or  most  religious,  a  just  and 
perfect  man  (Heb.  Vs  (addiq  tainim,  Gen.  6,9;  cf.  KAT-  66,  4),  not 
e.vim ie  solle/s  (DEI.ITZSCH  in  Baer's  Z^«;nV/,  p.  vi ;  Assyr.  Wo/terb. 
167  ,  9J  ;  168  ,  n.  2  ;  Jensex,  KosnioL,  385  below- ;  Jeremias,  Izdubai- 
Nimiod,  36;  LIuss-Arnolt  in  The  Biblical  World,  Chicago,  1894,  p. 
T12,  n.  10.  Cf.  Beitr.  s.  Assyr.  II,  401,  and  Am.  Or.  Soc.  Proc, 
April,  1893,  p.  ix  below.  See  also  the  conclusion  of  my  paper.  On 
tivo passages  of  the  Chaldean  Flood  Tablet,  Am.  Or.  Soc.  Proc,  April, 
1894.  The  well-known  phrase  mar  uviniaiii  in  1.  86  of  the  Deluge 
text  {cf.  ZA.  I,  34  ;  ASKT.  209  =  IV  R.'-  12,  iS,  etc.)  must,  of  course, 
be  interpreted  in  the  same  way. 

(^^)  It  is  true  that  Ass3'rian  ulabbar  is  causative  and  means  properly 
he  causes  to grorv  old  (ZA.  VIII,  129,  no.  3)  but  we  must  supply  :  his 
days,  cf.  Heb.  ma'r'ikh  Eccl  7,  15  ;  8  ,  12  and  A.ssyr.  urriki'i  ume  in 
the  first  fragment  of  the  Creation  series  ;  urrik  is  causative  like  ubbit, 
"  I  destroj^ed,"  or  uddis,  "  I  renewed,"  &;c.,  but  urrikil  uuie  n;eans  "  a 
long  time  elapsed,"  cf.  Heb.  leniA'an  ya' rikhfin  yanukha  in  the  fifth 
commandment,  Ex.  20  ,  12  ;  Dent.  5  ,  16  'r/'  also  25  ,  15).  See  Gk- 
SENIUSKautzsch'^,  ?  53  ,  3,  remark. 

\f^)  AsSyr.  la  xassu.     The   use  of  xassu   here  after  the  xo.ssu  in  the 


THK    BOOK   OF   KCCI.ESIASTES.  27 1 

Hue  above  :  nl  ulabbar  xassu,  is,  of  course,  inteutional  parouomasia  ; 
cf.  Dr.  I.  M.  Casanowicz's  Notes  on  Paronomasia  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, priuted  in  No.  98  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  Circulars 
(May,  1892),  p.  96  and  his  article  on  the  same  subject  in  the  Journal 
of  Biblical  Literature^  vol.  XII,  Part  2  (Boston,  1894).  See  al.so  my 
A'ote  on  the  Piotevaniielijtin  in  the  Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  Circ.  No. 
106  (June,  1893)  p.  107*'. 

(-'')  I  read  in  nasi  ressu  =1  res-su,  i.  e.  Heb,  res  "poverty,"  cf.ro's 
"bitterness,"  Lam.  3  ,  5,  «S:c.,  and  for  innas'i  2  Chr.  32  ,  23  {rvavin- 
nassr  "  he  was  magnified  ")  and  2  vS.  5  ,  12  inisst'  uiaJulakJito  "  he  ex- 
alted his  kingdom  ").  Re'su  or  resu  {cf.  Bezold's  inaugural  disserta- 
tion, p.  29)  appears  V  R  18  ,  15  ff.  as  a  .synonym  o{  xitsaxu,  "  famine  " 
(II,  7,5;  V,  39,  7)  and  nrrtu  "oppression"  (Zimmern,  Busspsal- 
nien  83  ,  i). — For  naM  sa  rest  "to  lift  up  the  head,"  see  II  R  26,  57. 
nasi'i  sa  resi  may,  of  course,  have  a  double  meaning,  as  in  Gen.  40  , 
13  .  19  .  20.  The  common  Assyrian  expression  is  ullt't  sa  re'si  (cf. 
DEI.1TZSCH,  Prolegomena,  155  ;  Worterbuch  425).  na'sii  sa  resi  (cf 
ZA.  V,  15  .  139,  n.  7)  and  ullu  sa  resi  are  synonymous  with  saqi'i  sa 
resi  (II,  30,  I  ;  IV',  60'',  B  5),  but  "sakdnu  sa  resi  (or  qaqqadi)  has  a 
dififerent  meaning  ;  it  means  (like  the  English  to  make  head):  to  resist, 
e.  g.  NE.  51  ,  17:  Istar  ana  nakrisu  ul  isakan  qaqqadsa  "  Istar  could 
.not  make  head  against  its  (the  city's)  eiiemy."  See  my  paper  On 
some  passages  of  the  Chaldean  Flood  tablet,  in  the  American  Oriental 
Society's  Proceedings  at  New  York,  April,  1894. 

(•■'")  See  C.  H.  H.  Wright,  The  Book  of  Koheleth,  commonly 
called  Ecclesiastes  (London,  1883),  pp.  31,  56,  &c.  It  gives  me 
much  pleasure  to  state  here  that  I  consider  Wright's  work  the 
most  useful  commentary  on  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes.  His  exegesis 
is  based  throughout  on  the  valuable  commeutapy  of  Franz  De- 
LITZ.SCH,  but  it  is  an  intelligent  reproduction  of  DixlTzsCH's  views  ; 
The  remarks  of  my  late  venerable  teacher  are  not  .sadly  misrepre- 
sented as  they  appear  in  nearly  all  the  English  editions  of  De- 
LITZSCH'S  works.  I  am  indebted  to  Wright's  book  for  much  useful 
information,  i;i  certain  cases,  if  I  remember  correctly, — I  have  not 
read  the  book  since  1S91 — I  have  been  able  to  quote  several  of  his 
statements  verbatim,  as  I  am  always  glad  to  follow  a  conservative 
theologian  as  far  as  possible,  especially  so  excellent  a  scholar  as  C.  H. 
H.  Wright.  I  regret  that  my  time  does  not  permit  me  at  present,  three 
years  after  the  preparation  of  mj'  popular  lecture,  to  indicate  in  detail 
what  statements  I  have  been  able  to  borrow  from  Wright's  book  (cf. 


■z/z 


PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 


my  remarks  in  the  programme  of  our  new  translation  of  the  Bible, 
printed  in  No.  98  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  Circulars,  May, 
1892,  p.  87'',  \  15).  I  need  hardly  say,  however,  that  my  critical 
views  are  totally  different  from  WRIGHT'S  attitude  towards  the  book. 
(^')  Cf.  the  abstract  of  Dr.  Christopher  Johnston's  paper  on  The 
Alleged  Grecisins  of  Ecclesiastes,  printed  in  No.  90  of  the  Johns  Hop- 
kins Uttiversity  Circulars  fjune,  1891),  p.  iiS*".  For  the  Berli?i 
theologian  ibid.  p.  119'',  1.  3,  read  the  Tubingen  philosopher,  (Ed- 
mund Pfleiderer,  Die  Philosophic  des  Heraklit  von  Ephesus, 
Berlin,  1886,  pp.  255-258;  not  his  elder  brother,  Otto  PfleiderER). 

(^^)  Cf.  e.  g.  4:  ,  13-16 ;  9  ,  13-16,  &c.  D.  Heimdorfer  (Der  "Pred- 
iger  Salonionis  "  in  historischer  Beleuchtung,  2d  ed.,  Hamburg,  1892), 
p.  16,  refers  the  passage  4  ,  13-16  to  Alexander  Jannseus  (B.  C.  104- 
78) ;  cf.  Konig,  Einleit.,  433,  n.  i.  I  would  translate  the  four  verses 
as  follows :  A  poor  but  wise  {cf.  supra  u.  26)  youth  is  preferable  to  an 
old  and  doting  king  {who  ivill  no  longer  take  advice^  even  if  he  (the 
youth)  should  have  come  to  the  throne  from  a  family  of  outcasts, 
{even  if  he  should  have  been  born  poor  in  his  kingdom'^  (/.  e.  in  the 
land  that  subsequently  became  his  kingdom).  I  saw  all  that  walk 
under  the  sun  (/.  e.)  {the  living'\  on  the  side  of  the  youth  (z.  e.)  {the 
other  one  who  stepped  in  his  (the  old  ruler's)  place'\  (stealing  the 
hearts  of  the  people  as  Absalom  stole  the  hearts  of  the  people  of. 
Israel,  cf.  2  S.  15  ,  6).  There  was  no  end  of  all  the  people,  {of  all  of 
them  before  whom  he  stood  ~\  (who  accepted  him  as  their  leader),  but 
the  (people  of  a)  j'ounger  generation  will  not  be  so  enthusiastic  about 
him.  For  this  also  (the  popular  enthusiasm  for  a  new  ruler)  is  tem- 
porary and  transitory.  The  bracketed  passages  in  italics,  {zvho  zvill 
no  longer  take  advice']  &c. ,  represent  explanatory  glosses  on  the 
Hebrew  text,  the  comments  in  parentheses  e.  g.  (the  youth)  have 
been  added  by  myself.  The  idea  that  everything  in  this  world  is  tem- 
porary and  transitor}-,  is  the  keynote  of  the  so-called  catalogue  of 
times  and  seasons,  c.  3  ,  v.  i  fif.  Lakkol  zinian  w'e'eth  lekhol  hepheg 
tiihath  has\a)naiim  does  not  mean  everything  has  its  proper  time  and 
season,  but  evety thing  lasts  but  a  certain  time. 

(*^)  See  Driver,  Introctuction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, New  York,  1891,  p.  445,  and  compare  the  glossar}'  in  De- 
litzsch's  commentary,  or  in  Wright's  Ecclesiastes. 

(•'*}  Cf.  Hugonis  Grotii  Anjiotationes  in  Vettis  Testanicntuui  (ed. 
VoGEL,  Halae,  1775),  p.  434  {Ad  Ecclesiasten,  Caput  I)  :  Cum  et  ini- 
tium  et  finis  satis  monstrent  quod  sit  scriptoris  propositum,  ob  eas 


THE    BOOK   OF   ECCT.ESIASTES.  273 

causas  {Et  aiunt  Hebraei )  mcrito  in  canoncin  receptus  est.  Ego  tainen 
Salojiionis  esse  iion  puto,  sed  scriptum  serius  sub  illius  Regis,  tanquani 
poenitentia  ducti,  nomine.  Argumentuni  eius  rei  habco  niulta  vocab- 
ula,  quae  non  alibi  qnani  in  Panicle,  Esdraet  Chaldaeis  intcrpretibus 
reperias. 

(^^)  See  above  uote  (5). 

(•"*)  In  his  dissertation  De  /Iramaisniis  libri  Cohclelh,  (1S60). 

(•")  Nor  can  the  author  of  the  Rook  of  Deuteronomy,  who  intro- 
duces Moses  as  havintj  spoken  the  discourses  contained  in  the  book, 
be  held  to  be  guilty  of  literary  fraud  or  dishonesty ;  cf.  Driver,  In- 
troduction, &.C.,  p.  85,  and  W.  Robertson  Smith's  The  Old  Testa- 
ment in  the  Jewish  Church,  second  edition,  London,  1892,  p.  395. 

(^^)  See  above,  p.  263,  footnote  a. 

(^'')  Cf.  T.  K.  Cheyne,  The  Origin  and  Religious  Contents  of  the 
Psalter,  London,  1891,  p.  193  :  From  the  point  of  view  of  the  history 
of  art,  not  less  than  from  that  of  the  history  of  religion,  the  supposi- 
tion that  we  have  Davidic  psalms  presents  insuperable  difficulties. 

(*")  According  to  Cornii^l,  Einleitung,  p.  316,  psalms  44;  74;  79; 
83  are  certainly  Maccabean  ;  cf.  ibid.  p.  221 ;  Cheyne,  /.  c.  99 ;  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  W.  Robertson  Smith,  /.  c,  p.  437,  and  Konig, 
Einl.,  p.  403. 

(")  See  Ed.  Meyer's  Geschichte  des  Alterthums,  vol.  I  (Stuttgart, 
1884),  p.  308;  Stade'S  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel,  vol.  I  (Berlin, 
1S87),  pp.  305  .  311,  &c.  (printed  in  1884);  Wellhausen,  Sketch  of 
the  History  of  Israel  and  Judah,  third  edition  (London,  1S91),  p.  54 
=Skizzcn  und  Vorarbciten,  Heft  i  (Berlin,  1884),  p.  28. 

(*'0  It  is  possible  that  even  a  man  like  Weli^hausen  may  know  as 
little  about  the  duplex  hero  of  ROBERT  Louis  Stevenson's  romance 
of  that  name  as  he  knew  about  the  two  distinguished  French  poli- 
ticians, Carrei.1,  &  Girardin,  with  whom  Renan,  in  his  Histoire 
du  pcuple  Israel,  compared  the  prophet  Isaiah  (see  Weli-Hausen's 
most  interesting  review  of  Renan's  History  of  Israel  in  the  Deutsche 
Literatiir-Zcitung,  April  6,  1889,  p.  512),  but  my  lecture  was,  of 
course,  intended  for  an  American  audience,  just  as  Renan  wrote  his 
history  principally  for  French  readers.  Cf.  below  the  remarks  at  the 
end  of  uote  (60).  Wellhausen  says  (/.  c^:  Jesaias  haben  wir  uns 
{nach  Renan)  vorzustellen  zvie  Carrell  oder  Girardin  ;  ein  wahres 
Gli'tck  fi'ir  den  heferenten,  dass  er  sich  von  diesen  beiden  gcwiss  hoch 
bedeutenden  Miinnei'n  duichaus  kcine  Vorstellung  niacheu  kann. 


274  PAPERS   OF  THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

\*^)  Cf.  c.  g-.  3  ,  9-15,  and  see  above  p.  258,  u.  ((5)  ;  12  ,  9,  n.  (k)  and 
n.  (0. 

(**)  Ecclesiastcs  philolos^-icc  et  criticc  illiistratiis,  Leyden,  1784. 

(^^)  A  clear  case  is  c.  g.  2  ,  11-23.  Here  we  must  evidently  arrange 
the  verses  in  the  following  order:  11  .  12^'  .  19  .  18  .  20-23  •  ^'^^  ■  I3-I7- 
24-26.  The  first  hemistich  of  v.  12  (note  the  same  beginning  of  vv. 
II  and  12:  11-panUhi  ant)  interrupts  the  connection  and  is  oiit  of  place 
in  its  present  position  ;  v.  12^  Id  ini  ha'adhain  keyyabho  aharai)  con- 
nects immediately  with  v.  11,  and  is  continued  in  v.  19  {u-ini,  &c.). 
The  last  five  words  of  v.  12:  hatnmelekh  eth  asher  kebar  'astihii,  i.  e., 
"the  king,  he  means  the  one  whom  they  had  appointed  long  before  " 
(as  his  successor)  are  a  gloss,  also  v.  19''  {weyislat — hassemes),  i6*' 
{besekkebhdr — hakkesil),  and  18^  [se' annihennii— aharai),  as  well  as  21. 
The  latter  verse  belongs  to  6  ,  i  ff.  Cf.  the  remark  at  the  conclu- 
sion of  note  (15)  on  p.  265. 

(*^)  Der  Prediger  iiber  den  Wert  des  Daseins.  Wiederherstellung 
des  bisher  zerstiickelten  Textes,  Uebersetzung  und  Erklarung.  Inns- 
bruck, 1884,  p.  3. 

(■")  For  the  quires  of  ancient  manuscript  compare  C.  R.  Gregory's 
instructive  paper,  The  Quires  in  Greek  Mamiscripts,  printed  in  The 
American  Journal  of  Philology,  vol.  VII  (Baltimore,  1886),  p.  27  {cf. 
the  Coinptcs-Rendus  of  the  Paris  Acadhnie  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles- 
Lettres,  July-August,  1885,  pp.  261-8. 

{^^)Hiob  nach  Geo.  Hoffmann,  Kiel,  1891,  p.  29. 

(*3)  Parentheses,  e.  g.  (all)  1.  3,  or  (ships)  1.  15,  indicate  supple- 
mentary words  necessary  for  the  English  translation,  but  not  ex- 
pressed in  the  Hebrew  original.  The  lines  printed  in  the  footnotes 
under  the  text  contain  the  various  interpolations,  the  parallels  (|j) 
marking  different  strata  of  glosses.  See  Johns  Hopkins  University 
Circulars,  No.  90  (June,  1891),  p.  115";  cf.  ibid.,  No.  98  (May,  1992), 
p.  88^  ?  34. 

(^°)  It  is  all  fate  and  predestination,  so  you  need  not  have  any  scru- 
ples about  it.     Do  not  mourn  and  live  in  seclusion. 

(^^)  This  is  all  we  can  expect  in  this  world,  but  this  knowledge 
ought  not  to  make  us  despondent  or  inactive. 

(^2)  Do  not  be  too  anxious  about  the  future.  You  must  run  some 
risk  if  3'ou  want  to  succeed  in  this  world.  Act  like  a  merchant  who 
sends  his  grain  to  distant  lands  across  the  sea.  Do  not  be  timid,  but 
cautious.     Do  not  put  all  your  eggs  in  one  basket,  do  not  ship  all  your 


THE   BOOK  OF   ECCI.ESIASTES.  275 

goods  in  oue  vessel.  Be  prepared  for  all  contingencies,  for  we  cannot 
control  the  future. 

(^*)  Unforeseen  occurrences  out  of  the  range  of  ordinary  calculation 
are  liable  to  happen  at  any  time,  but  if  you  do  not  dare  to  run  any 
risk  you  cannot  accomplish  anything.  The  simplest  thing  we  under- 
take is  attended  with  risk. 

(^'')'It  is  the  same  verb  from  which  the  word  for  "knife"  sakkin  is 
derived.  The  word  inisken  "poor"  (French  mesquin)  has  no  con- 
nection with  this  stem  ;  it  is  an  Assyrian  loan-word  derived  from 
mttlkhiii  "humble,  miserable,  beggar,"  the  participle  of  the  Shaphel 
of  the  intensive  stem  sickinn  (ZA.  VII,  354),  i.  e.  Heb.  hithpallel 
bckawivanoh. 

i}^)  The  risk  is  not  so  great,  but  then  it  requires  a  greater  effort. 

C^")  Do  not  lock  the  stable  door  after  the  steed  is  stolen.  All  your 
precautions  help  you  nothing  if  you  miss  the  proper  time.  You  must 
watch  the  right  moment.  At  the  same  time  you  must  not  be  over- 
cautious, otherwise  you  will  never  accomplish  anj'thing. 

(^')  Work  whenever  you  can:  constant  occupation  is  a  blessing  in 
this  world. 

(^^)  The  two  verses  7  and  8  belong  to  6  ,  6.  Cf.  the  conclusion  of 
note  (15). 

(^')  See  the  Baltimore  American  of  March  31,  1S90  (article  on  the 
Archer  defalcation.) 

(^^)  If  the  passage  does  not  depict  the  last  days  of  a  worn-out  sensu- 
alist, it  is  evident  at  least  that  the  contemporaries  of  the  author  must 
have  been  quite  degenerated:  the  old  age  of  real  healthy  individuals 
{e.  g.  members  of  an  uncivilized  tribe)  is  not  marred  by  the  symptoms 
enumerated.  Nervous  degeneration  is,  of  course,  not  a  new  fin  de 
siecle  phenomenon  :  it  has  existed  at  all  ages ;  see  Prof.  Erb's  acade- 
mic address  Ueber  die  zuachsende  Nervositdt  imserer  Zeit  (Heidelberg, 
1894),  p.  12,  and  cf.  ibid.,  p.  19,  the  remarks  of  the  great  specialist  on 
the  neuropathic  diathesis  of  the  vSemites,  especially  the  Jews.  The 
allegoric  description  of  the  last  days  of  a  degenerated  individual  could 
not  have  been  written  unless  degeneration  existed  for  several  genera- 
tions before  the  time  of  Ecclesiastes,  nor  could  the  author  have  com- 
posed the  passage  unless  he  combined  great  literary  talent  with  com- 
prehensive medical  knowledge:  he  must  have  been  a  physician,  a 
Jewish  Wkir  Mitcheli.  {cf.  supra,  p.  273,  n.  42). 

(*')  The  following  verses  form  the  basis  of  the  well  known  German 


276  PAPERS   OK  THR   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

students'  song,  Gaudcauius  ii^itia;  which  was  originally  a  penitential 
song  of  two  stanzas. 

(^^)  Amuse  yourself  while  you  are  young,  and  try  to  be  in  good 
spirits.  Do  what  you  feel  inclined  to,  and  enjoy  what  pleases  your 
eye.  Be  no  hermit  or  ascetic,  but  do  not  ruin  your  health!  Try  to 
build  up  a  family  while  you  are  in  the  full  possession  of  50ur  manly 
vigor!     Do  not  neglect  your  legitimate  wife! 

(^^)  See  above  p.  261.  Prof.  GiLDERSLEEVE  called  my  attention  to 
the  fact  that  Herondas  employed  the  same  metaphor.  Prof.  GiLDER- 
Si,EEVE  writes  me  (March  17,  1894)  :  "The  lines  to  which  I  referred 
when  Herondas  was  first  discovered  run  (Mim.  I,  24  .  25)  : 

(5£/c'  Eicl  jMfjveq  ov6e  ■ypd/j/ia  aoi  ttejuttel 

'a/l/l'  EKXeTitjarac  Kai  TrsiruKev  ek  KaivrJQ 
The  ellipsis  to  namjg  is  uncertain,  and  the  marginal  note  is  variously 
read.  Is  the  ellipsis  Kpijvi]Q,  or  k'vIlkoq,  or  simply  ywaiKo^,  or  something 
worse  ?  At  all  events  the  hydraulic  figure  remains.  Das  weib  als 
"Epwrof  kv-eXKov  ist  em  Bild,  das  der  griechische^i  Erotik  ganz  geldufig 
ivar  (Crusius,  Untersuchuiigen  zu  den  Mimiafnben  des  Herondas, 
p.  7.).  In  his  recently  published  translation  Crusius  renders  :  Afeuc 
Becher  wirken  ihni  and  the  ellipsis  of  nvliKog  is  perhaps  the  more  nat- 
ural. Still  the  appositeness  of  the  parallel  is  hardly  diminished. 
The  main  thing  is  the  ttekukev.     See  Crusius,  /.  c." 

(^*)  The  sun  is  the  sunshine  of  childhood  when  everything  seems 
bright  and  happy  ;  the  moon  is  symbolical  of  the  more  tempered  light 
of  boyhood  and  early  manhood,  while  the  stars  indicate  the  sporadic 
moments  of  happiness  in  mature  age.  More  and  more  the  number  of 
rainy  days  increases,  but  seldom  interrupted  by  bright  moments. 
And  when  we  are  going  down  the  hill  there  is  no  siinshine  after  the 
rain,  but  the  clouds  return,  and  everything  seems  painted  gray  on 
gray. 

C^)  The  hands. 

(8^)  The  bones,  especially  the  backbone. 

(®')  He  loses  his  teeth. 

(*'^)  The  ej'es  begin  to  lose  their  luster,  and  sight  becomes  dim. 

(®^)  Te  exits  are  barred,  /.  e.,  secretions  are  insufficient,  or  vitiated, 
or  cease  ;  he  begins  to  suffer  from  constipation  and  retention  (ischuria). 
In  the  morning  prayer  of  the  Jews  there  is  a  passage:  "Blessed  be 
thou,  O  Lord,  who  hast  wisely  formed  man  and  created  in  him  many 
openings  and  orifices." 


THE   BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES.  2/7 

(™)  His  sleep  is  sl'.ort,  he  awakens  when  the  birds  begin  to  chirp  at 
daybreak,  at  cock-crowing. 

C)  He  is  unable  to  perceive  sounds  distinctly. 

(")  He  hates  to  climb  a  hill,  or  to  go  upstairs,  and  dreads  a  walk. 

("■^)  His  hair  turns  hoary.  It  is  true  that  the  almond  blossoms  are 
pink  at  first,  but  before  they  fall  off  they  become  white  as  snow. 
BoDENSTEDT  in  his  looi  Days  in  the  East  (H,  237,)  speaks  of  the 
white  blossoms  of  the  almond  tree  as  falling  down  like  snowflakes. 

('*)  We  would  say  chrysalis  ;  cf.  Nah  8,15:  the  cankerworni  casteth 
off  its  skin  and  flieth  away. 

i^'")  The  soul  is  freed  from  the  body  as  the  butterfly  emerges  from 
the  chrysalis. 

(")  The  spinal  cord. 

(")  The  brain. 

(^■^)  The  heart  loses  its  power  to  propel  the  blood  through  the  body. 

(")  The  water  wheel,  /.  e.,  the  whole  machinery  comes  to  a  stop, 
and  this  stoppage  means  dissolution. 

(^)  The  hired  mourners  {qui  coiiducti  plorant  in  fiinere,  Hor.  Ars 
Poet.  431). 

(^')  Prop,  transitoriness.     How  utterly  transitory  is  everything  ! 

(«'^)  ideal. 

C"'')  Quoted  by  Schopenhauer,  vol.  IV,  p.  32  [Ueber  den  JVillen  in 
der  Natur :  Physiologic  tiiid  Pathologic) :  Der  geniale  Koheleth  sagt : 
^^  imfcr  Tansend  habe  ich  eincn  Menschen  ge/undcn,  abcr  kein 
Wcib  tinier  alien  dicsc^i'"  Eccl.  7  ,  29  is  an  interpolation  :  the  author 
of  the  original  book  was  no  misogynist,  c-f.%,()  (see  above  p.  257,  1. 
6),  also  12  ,  I  (p.  262,  1.  41). 

(**)  The  digestive  apparatus  does  not  work. 

(*^)  In  metrical  form,  cf.  Arabic  zcazn  and  mizan  "meter."  The 
finst  verb  refers  to  the  poetic  form  of  the  book,  the  second  to  the  con- 
tents, the  third  to  the  arrangement  of  the  whole. 

C""')  He  never  sacrificed  the  matter  to  the  form. 

(*')  Lit.  the  lords  of  the  assembly,  i.  e.  members  of  an  association  {cf. 
HalEvy,  Rccherches  bibliques,  pp.  344-350). 

[^)  An  isolated  maxim,  a  single  proverb,  is  like  the  point  of  an  ox- 
goad  ;  it  pricks  one  particular  spot  for  a  moment,  urging  on  and  stim- 
ulating,   but   has   no   lasting   effect.     Sayings,    however,    which   are 


278  PAPERS   OF   THE   ORIENTAL   CLUB. 

systematically  arranged  in  a  special  collection  forming  a  connected 
whole  are  as  impressive  as  nails  firmly  driven  in.  They  infix  them- 
selves for  ever  in  your  memory,  just  as  firmly  as  nails  driven  into  a 
board  or  the  like  :  they  have  a  firm  hold  on  you.  This  is  also  said 
with  reference  to  the  relative  difficulty  of  memorizing  isolated  sayings 
as  contained  in  the  book  of  Proverbs,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  sys- 
tematic treatise  of  Ecclesiastes,  on  the  other.  It  is  much  harder  to 
learn  the  book  of  Proverbs  by  heart  (owing  to  the  lack  of  connection 
between  the  individual  verses)  than  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes  which  is 
written  by  one  shepherd  or  teacher,  on  a  definite  plan  and  with  a  defi- 
nite object  in  view. 


TO   PP.   202   TO   241. 

[Owing  to  an  utiforseeu  mishap  certain  corrections  to  be  made  for 
these  sheets  were  omitted.  The  kind  indulo^ence  of  the  reader  is 
solicited.] 

Page  205,  Note  J — Read  :  Rev.  instead  of  Rer. 

Page  208,  Note,  1.  3 — Read  :  Pend  d'Oreilles  instead  of  send  d'Oreilles. 

Page  209.  Note  *.  1.  6 — Read  :  Quichua  instead  of  Guichua. 

"      "  "         1.  \\—Ihid. 

Page  220,  Note,  1.  2 — Read  :  Gubematis  instead  of  Gubematis. 

"      "     1.  14 — Read:  Simurgh  instead  of  Srgniuih 
Page  222,  Note  f.  1-  3 — Read  :  Rev.  instead  of  Ber. 
Page  224,  1.  7 — Read  :  orders  instead  of  order. 
Page  227,  1.  4 — Read  :  stage  instead  of  state. 
Pane  237,  1.  8 — Read  :  igneous  instead  of  ligneous. 


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